President Obama in China

November 16, 2009

Editorial

President Obama in China
Economy, Security and, Yes, Human Rights

Ever since Richard Nixon opened the door in 1972, all presidents have faced a balancing act with China. For President Obama, who arrived in China on Sunday, the challenge is even tougher and more urgent. He needs Beijing’s help on a host of hugely important and extremely difficult problems, including stabilizing the global financial system, curbing global warming, prying away North Korea’s nuclear weapons, and ensuring that Iran doesn’t get to build any.

To do that he needs to encourage China to play an even stronger international role — but also curb some of its darker instincts, including its mistreatment of its own citizens, its less than savory relationships with countries like Sudan and its tendency to bully its neighbors.

Mr. Obama has already acknowledged China’s growing clout (and that of other fast-growing economies), when he made the G-20 instead of the G-8 the main forum for global economic issues. We hope that will pay off in more responsible behavior from Beijing.

Still in the search for common ground, Mr. Obama has his work cut out for him. While the two countries have enacted huge stimulus packages, profound tensions remain over China’s exchange-rate policy.

On the security side, China joined America and other major powers in imposing tougher nuclear-related sanctions on North Korea. But it is still Pyongyang’s main economic benefactor and has shown a willingness to exploit loopholes in the sanctions. Beijing also evinces concern about Iran’s nuclear program. But it seems more concerned about its own voracious energy needs, and Iran’s ability to satisfy them. Mr. Obama will have to work harder to persuade China of the dangers out there, and of the need for tough United Nations sanctions to curb the nuclear appetites of Tehran and Pyongyang.

China has long and close ties with Pakistan. We hope Mr. Obama will urge China’s president, Hu Jintao, to provide more economic assistance for Islamabad and press its leaders to keep fighting the Taliban insurgency. While China-Taiwan relations are improving, Mr. Obama should still press Beijing to remove hundreds of missiles it has aimed at the island.

Some activists worry that the Obama administration has been too muted in its criticism of China’s abysmal human rights. Mr. Obama postponed a meeting with the Dalai Lama until after this summit meeting. But trying a less confrontational approach, for a while, isn’t unreasonable.

China’s success as a modern superpower is not guaranteed. Job shortages and worker malcontent pose a huge challenge, as do separatist movements in Tibet and Xinjiang.

Mr. Obama needs to find a way to subtly remind his hosts of those vulnerabilities — and the fact that they are better dealt with through more political openness rather than more repression. A China that respected its own people and its neighbors would be more stable, economically stronger, have more international influence and be a much better American partner.

From Beijing to Copenhagen

What everyone has suspected for weeks has now been made more or less official by President Obama and other world leaders: no new legally binding climate treaty will emerge at discussions in Copenhagen next month. The continuing differences between industrialized and developing nations over who should bear the burden of stopping global warming mean that at best Copenhagen will be a steppingstone. This does not make the talks between President Obama and President Hu Jintao of China any less important. Even an interim agreement will be impossible without enthusiastic participation by both countries, which together account for 40 percent of greenhouse gas emissions.

Denmark’s prime minister, Lars Lokke Rasmussen, has sketched the outlines of a fallback position that would have all countries commit to achievable, transparent domestic targets while negotiations on a broader treaty continued. This is an honorable proposition that Mr. Obama can easily accept, but getting Mr. Hu to sign on — and bring other developing countries with him — may take some doing.

For years, Washington and Beijing have dodged their own responsibilities by making unreasonable demands of each other. China has insisted that the United States reduce emissions by 40 percent over 10 years, which is politically and technologically unrealistic. Many American lawmakers insist that China commit to binding emission caps now, but China — which regards all caps with suspicion — sees this as infringing on its freedom to manage its own economy.

At the same time, both nations are mindful of the potentially disastrous consequences of unchecked climate change, and both have taken steps to tame their emissions — steps that could build a foundation for a more positive relationship. China has adopted tough fuel economy standards and strict efficiency codes for new buildings. Eager to win the global race for green jobs, it has stepped up investment in solar panels, wind turbines, rapid transit and hybrid electric cars. And while coal still provides 70 percent of its power, it is building fewer coal-fired plants and those it is building are cleaner.

For his part, Mr. Obama has embraced the climate challenge in a way his predecessor did not. He has approved new greenhouse gas standards for vehicles, proposed regulatory controls on power plant emissions and included $80 billion in his stimulus package for greater energy efficiency and cleaner technologies. Congress is halfway toward producing a bill to cap emissions.

The prospects for collaboration on clean energy are promising. An American company will soon build a solar-powered electric utility in China, and China has agreed to help build a wind farm in Texas. But the most important single thing the two countries can do is join in moving a new climate agreement forward.

Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company