Wed Nov 11, 2009 7:20pm EST
By Chisa Fujioka
TOKYO (Reuters) - Japanese Emperor Akihito, whose efforts to soothe Asia's bitter wartime memories have been central to his 20 years on the throne, said his biggest worry is that future generations in his country will forget the past.
Akihito also told a news conference marking Thursday's anniversary of his ascension that he thought his father, the late Emperor Hirohito, was reluctant about the war that was fought in his name and memories of which still bedevil ties with China and other Asian countries invaded, occupied or colonized by Japan.
Asked if he had any concerns about the country's future, Akihito, 75, mentioned Japan's rapidly aging population and shaky economy, but said he was more worried about his people's understanding of history.
"I am rather worried that past history may be gradually forgotten," he said at a news conference at Tokyo's Imperial Palace with his wife of 50 years, Empress Michiko.
"I think it is important to thoroughly know past historical facts and to prepare for the future."
Akihito's remarks coincide with a push by Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, whose Democratic Party took power in September, to improve ties with the rest of Asia.
The Democrats have shown a greater willingness to face up to Japan's wartime aggression than many in their ousted rival, the Liberal Democratic Party. Critics accuse ultra-conservative politicians in both parties of trying to whitewash the past.
If memories fade before Japan forges a consensus about why the country went to war, ghosts of the past will keep haunting ties with countries in the region.
The role of Hirohito, once revered as divine but transformed after Japan's defeat in World War Two into a symbol of the country's dedication to peace and democracy, has long been surrounded by controversy.
Akihito portrayed his father, known after his death as Emperor Showa, as an advocate of peace.
"I presume that for Emperor Showa, who had visited the Verdun battlefield of World War One and who took to heart the importance of peace as he saw the tragic site of war, it was a truly reluctant history," he said of the events leading to World War Two.
Many people around the world, however, still associate Hirohito with Japan's military campaigns in the early 20th century that were carried out in his name.
The soft-spoken Akihito's ascension to the throne in 1989 opened the way for the royal family to help reconcile Japan with its former colonies, although diplomatic ties have been frayed by issues such as territorial rights and content in history texts.
In 1992, Akihito became the first Japanese emperor to visit China, where he made a statement of regret about the war.
He has also expressed feelings of kinship with Koreans, where one of his ancestors was born.
(Editing by Dean Yates)
© Thomson Reuters 2009. All rights reserved.
Wednesday, November 11, 2009
North Korea warns South it will pay for clash
Wed Nov 11, 2009 10:08pm EST
By Jack Kim
SEOUL (Reuters) - North Korea said the South will pay "an expensive price" for firing at Pyongyang's retreating patrol boat on Tuesday, keeping up its saber rattling two days after a naval gunfight raised tension between the rivals.
The threat, published in the North's official Rodong Sinmun daily, comes amid reports officials from the two Koreas met recently to discuss a possible summit between their leaders but failed to reach agreement.
The navies from the two sides exchanged gunfire on Tuesday for the first time in seven years, reminding financial market players of the security threat the North poses to the region, which accounts for one-sixth of the global economy.
"Warmongers who like to play with fire will be certain to pay an expensive price," Rodong Sinmun daily said in an editorial.
The communist daily said the North had been taking action to relieve tension and forge cooperation with the South, "with the overall situation on the Korean peninsula heading for the resolution of the problems through dialogue."
"The armed clash on the West (Yellow) Sea was not an accident but was a premeditated act of aggression by the South's military seeking intensifying of tensions on the Korean peninsula."
The clash came as regional powers try to bring the North back to stalled six-way talks on ending its nuclear arms program in return for aid and diplomatic rewards.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said the gunfight would not derail a plan to send a senior envoy to Pyongyang to help revise those multilateral talks.
North Korea has often used military action to force its way onto the agenda of major diplomatic events, and recently caused alarm by announcing more production of arms-grade plutonium. At the same time, it has been seeking direct talks with Washington.
South Korea denounced what it said was an incursion by a North Korean patrol vessel into its territorial waters in the Yellow Sea that sparked a brief firefight near the spot where the two Koreas have had two deadly conflicts in the past decade.
There were no casualties on the South Korean side in the incident, which left one of its vessels pockmarked with about a dozen gunshots and a North Korean patrol vessel apparently heavily damaged, military officials said.
North Korea in the past year has threatened to attack the South's ships if they come near the Northern Limit Line, a Yellow Sea border set unilaterally by U.S-led U.N. forces at the end of the 1950-53 Korean War which the North sees as invalid.
The two Koreas are technically still at war because their conflict ended with a ceasefire and not a peace treaty.
(Editing by Jonathan Thatcher and Jerry Norton)
By Jack Kim
SEOUL (Reuters) - North Korea said the South will pay "an expensive price" for firing at Pyongyang's retreating patrol boat on Tuesday, keeping up its saber rattling two days after a naval gunfight raised tension between the rivals.
The threat, published in the North's official Rodong Sinmun daily, comes amid reports officials from the two Koreas met recently to discuss a possible summit between their leaders but failed to reach agreement.
The navies from the two sides exchanged gunfire on Tuesday for the first time in seven years, reminding financial market players of the security threat the North poses to the region, which accounts for one-sixth of the global economy.
"Warmongers who like to play with fire will be certain to pay an expensive price," Rodong Sinmun daily said in an editorial.
The communist daily said the North had been taking action to relieve tension and forge cooperation with the South, "with the overall situation on the Korean peninsula heading for the resolution of the problems through dialogue."
"The armed clash on the West (Yellow) Sea was not an accident but was a premeditated act of aggression by the South's military seeking intensifying of tensions on the Korean peninsula."
The clash came as regional powers try to bring the North back to stalled six-way talks on ending its nuclear arms program in return for aid and diplomatic rewards.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said the gunfight would not derail a plan to send a senior envoy to Pyongyang to help revise those multilateral talks.
North Korea has often used military action to force its way onto the agenda of major diplomatic events, and recently caused alarm by announcing more production of arms-grade plutonium. At the same time, it has been seeking direct talks with Washington.
South Korea denounced what it said was an incursion by a North Korean patrol vessel into its territorial waters in the Yellow Sea that sparked a brief firefight near the spot where the two Koreas have had two deadly conflicts in the past decade.
There were no casualties on the South Korean side in the incident, which left one of its vessels pockmarked with about a dozen gunshots and a North Korean patrol vessel apparently heavily damaged, military officials said.
North Korea in the past year has threatened to attack the South's ships if they come near the Northern Limit Line, a Yellow Sea border set unilaterally by U.S-led U.N. forces at the end of the 1950-53 Korean War which the North sees as invalid.
The two Koreas are technically still at war because their conflict ended with a ceasefire and not a peace treaty.
(Editing by Jonathan Thatcher and Jerry Norton)
Creaky Alliance
November 12, 2009
Op-Ed Contributor
By MICHAEL AUSLIN
President Obama lands in Tokyo this week as U.S.-Japan relations hit their lowest point in years.
The president will meet with Japan’s new government, representing the first opposition party to take power in over a half-century. Unfortunately, the Democratic Party of Japan is finding little common ground early on with the Democratic president of the United States.
President Obama’s ability to smooth over some significant disagreements between the two allies may set the tone for the remainder of his administration. A failure to find common ground could lead both sides to feel less appetite for working with each other and more interest in reaching out to other nations in Asia, such as China.
At the core of the current contretemps is a 2006 agreement to move a Marine Corps Air Station out of its urban setting in Okinawa to a less populated part of the island. That is supposed to be followed by the relocation of thousands of U.S. Marines from Okinawa to Guam, and the return to Japanese control of other U.S. bases on the island.
All this has been under negotiation for years. Now the new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, is living up to campaign promises to reopen the agreement and try to move the new air base off Okinawa altogether. His government’s position earned a stinging rebuke from U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates in Tokyo last month, laying bare a growing antagonism between Washington and Tokyo.
To those paying close attention these past months, Mr. Gates’ salvo came as no surprise. Both sides have been talking past each other, as Washington assumed that Mr. Hatoyama’s stance was merely campaign rhetoric, while Tokyo believed that the State Department’s reassurances of listening to Japanese concerns meant that a real renegotiation was in the cards. A disagreement on such fundamental policy agreements cannot remain unsolved before a presidential visit; hence Mr. Gates’s stance.
Unfortunately, it appears that the Japanese government is split on the base issue, with some top officials flatly rejecting the notion that it will be solved before Air Force One touches down, while others, such as the foreign minister, seemingly acknowledging the inevitable Japanese acceptance of U.S. terms.
That does not bode well for a resolution before Mr. Obama’s visit and increases the spotlight on Mr. Hatoyama, who will have to make a decision that either reneges on campaign promises or risks deeply angering his closest ally.
The current blow-up reflects the slow drift of the U.S.-Japan alliance from the earlier part of this decade. The prime minister then, Junichiro Koizumi, eagerly waded into Washington’s wars after 2001, stepping out far ahead of many of his countrymen.
He also demonstrated that Japan could act on the global stage at a level more befitting its economic status. He and his successor, Shinzo Abe, failed to revise the post-World War II peace Constitution, but they may have over-convinced many in Washington that Japan had changed from its traditional post-war reluctance to be more assertive abroad.
Mr. Hatoyama came to power pledging a more “independent” Japan and a more equal alliance relationship. What he meant by that, however, was always unclear.
But his willingness to step back from old agreements, and a desire to create an East Asian Community centered on Japan, China and South Korea, is raising concerns in Washington over how closely the two long-time partners can work together in the coming years, as well as uncertainty over what role the alliance should play in an Asia increasingly influenced by China.
This is where the president’s trip is crucial, for the bureaucrats running the alliance will respond to their political leadership. If Messrs. Obama and Hatoyama agree to disagree, then both countries will likely put the relationship on the back burner and reach out to other players in Asia, possibly reshaping regional politics.
There are no reassurances that such a new approach would benefit either America or Japan more than the current arrangement. The two countries have long needed each other in Asia, giving America a strategically crucial position and Japan an invaluable defensive ally. They may soon test whether their shared interests can adapt to new conditions inside Japan and throughout Asia.
Michael Auslin is the director of Japan studies and a resident scholar in foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington
Op-Ed Contributor
By MICHAEL AUSLIN
President Obama lands in Tokyo this week as U.S.-Japan relations hit their lowest point in years.
The president will meet with Japan’s new government, representing the first opposition party to take power in over a half-century. Unfortunately, the Democratic Party of Japan is finding little common ground early on with the Democratic president of the United States.
President Obama’s ability to smooth over some significant disagreements between the two allies may set the tone for the remainder of his administration. A failure to find common ground could lead both sides to feel less appetite for working with each other and more interest in reaching out to other nations in Asia, such as China.
At the core of the current contretemps is a 2006 agreement to move a Marine Corps Air Station out of its urban setting in Okinawa to a less populated part of the island. That is supposed to be followed by the relocation of thousands of U.S. Marines from Okinawa to Guam, and the return to Japanese control of other U.S. bases on the island.
All this has been under negotiation for years. Now the new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, is living up to campaign promises to reopen the agreement and try to move the new air base off Okinawa altogether. His government’s position earned a stinging rebuke from U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates in Tokyo last month, laying bare a growing antagonism between Washington and Tokyo.
To those paying close attention these past months, Mr. Gates’ salvo came as no surprise. Both sides have been talking past each other, as Washington assumed that Mr. Hatoyama’s stance was merely campaign rhetoric, while Tokyo believed that the State Department’s reassurances of listening to Japanese concerns meant that a real renegotiation was in the cards. A disagreement on such fundamental policy agreements cannot remain unsolved before a presidential visit; hence Mr. Gates’s stance.
Unfortunately, it appears that the Japanese government is split on the base issue, with some top officials flatly rejecting the notion that it will be solved before Air Force One touches down, while others, such as the foreign minister, seemingly acknowledging the inevitable Japanese acceptance of U.S. terms.
That does not bode well for a resolution before Mr. Obama’s visit and increases the spotlight on Mr. Hatoyama, who will have to make a decision that either reneges on campaign promises or risks deeply angering his closest ally.
The current blow-up reflects the slow drift of the U.S.-Japan alliance from the earlier part of this decade. The prime minister then, Junichiro Koizumi, eagerly waded into Washington’s wars after 2001, stepping out far ahead of many of his countrymen.
He also demonstrated that Japan could act on the global stage at a level more befitting its economic status. He and his successor, Shinzo Abe, failed to revise the post-World War II peace Constitution, but they may have over-convinced many in Washington that Japan had changed from its traditional post-war reluctance to be more assertive abroad.
Mr. Hatoyama came to power pledging a more “independent” Japan and a more equal alliance relationship. What he meant by that, however, was always unclear.
But his willingness to step back from old agreements, and a desire to create an East Asian Community centered on Japan, China and South Korea, is raising concerns in Washington over how closely the two long-time partners can work together in the coming years, as well as uncertainty over what role the alliance should play in an Asia increasingly influenced by China.
This is where the president’s trip is crucial, for the bureaucrats running the alliance will respond to their political leadership. If Messrs. Obama and Hatoyama agree to disagree, then both countries will likely put the relationship on the back burner and reach out to other players in Asia, possibly reshaping regional politics.
There are no reassurances that such a new approach would benefit either America or Japan more than the current arrangement. The two countries have long needed each other in Asia, giving America a strategically crucial position and Japan an invaluable defensive ally. They may soon test whether their shared interests can adapt to new conditions inside Japan and throughout Asia.
Michael Auslin is the director of Japan studies and a resident scholar in foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington
Ties that bind, and labels to keep in mind
Thursday, November 12, 2009
For Obama, as with his predecessors, defining the U.S. relationship with China involves some semantic calisthenics
By Andrew Higgins and Anne E. Kornblut
When President Obama arrives in Shanghai and Beijing next week, he will face a prickly question that has vexed presidents since Richard M. Nixon first visited Mao Zedong in 1972: How exactly does the United States define its relationship with China?
Over the decades, U.S. leaders have run through a kaleidoscope of terms, from "tacit allies" against the Soviet Union in the early 1970s to "strategic competitors" at the start of President George W. Bush's administration.
When Obama took office, his advisers spent weeks haggling with Chinese officials over what to call a relationship that has left China holding more than $1 trillion of American debt, turned the United States into China's single-biggest export market and enmeshed the nations in an ever-tighter web of mutual dependence.
Washington and Beijing finally came up with a bland characterization, declaring their ties "positive, cooperative and comprehensive." This replaced a Bush-era label that had also defined the relationship as "candid," a word Beijing disliked because it suggested that the two sides might criticize each other.
Such verbal machinations involve far more than semantic quibbling. Words frame how the two sides confront very real issues such as trade, climate change and human rights. "It's something we have always had with the Chinese, dating back to the 1970s," said Jeffrey A. Bader, Obama's senior director for East Asian affairs at the National Security Council. "You can't really go through an administration without having some label that provides a general characterization."
The right words matter
Getting the right words has been the cornerstone of Chinese statecraft and philosophy since the age of Confucius about 2 1/2 millennia ago.
"There must be no arbitrariness in what is said. This matters above everything," decreed Confucius in the Analects, an ancient compilation of his teachings. "If names are not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried to success." Rectifying names, Confucius said, is the starting point for all sound policy.
Nixon recognized this when, after a long career denouncing Mao and his communist regime, he decided to reach out to Beijing. He first signaled the shift in 1970, when, for the first time, he publicly referred to Mao's domain by its official name, the People's Republic of China. He had previously called it Red China, or worse.
But what should Obama, America's most rhetorically gifted president in decades, call today's China?
How does he describe -- and thus deal with -- a country that declares loyalty to Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought while boasting one of world's most competitive capitalist economies, a one-party state that censors media and jails dissidents while giving most ordinary Chinese more personal freedom and economic opportunity than they have had in decades, perhaps even centuries?
Obama's visit to China, the third stop on his week-long Asian tour, will be full of symbolic gestures and rhetorical flourishes as he tries to build trust with Beijing and the Chinese public while signaling America's faith in free speech and other liberties.
He is scheduled to attend a state dinner in Beijing hosted by President and Communist Party chief Hu Jintao, and, like Nixon, tour the Great Wall and the Forbidden City. Substantive matters on the agenda include climate change; efforts to fortify a still-fragile global economy; North Korea's nuclear program; the war in Afghanistan, which shares a border with China's Muslim-populated west; and Pakistan, a long-standing ally of China that is at the center of Obama's foreign-policy concerns.
Obama will also hold a town-hall-style meeting with students in Shanghai. But, as with similar events during past presidential visits, the meeting has involved laborious haggling with Chinese officials over who will be allowed to attend and what they will be allowed to discuss.
A phrase ignites debate
While still a senator from Illinois, Obama came up with a relatively clear-cut definition of what China means to the United States, saying, "They're neither our enemy, nor our friend. They're competitors." He later accused Beijing of manipulating its currency and promised to "use all diplomatic avenues available to seek a change in China's current practices."
He has since retreated from such plain speaking and is unlikely to revive it during next week's visit, his first to China. On the rhetorical front, observers will be keeping watch for a seemingly innocuous phrase that has stirred much debate in recent weeks in diplomatic circles: "strategic reassurance."
Deputy Secretary of State James B. Steinberg rolled out that term during what was billed as a major foreign-policy address in September. The core idea, Steinberg said, is a "tacit bargain" in which the United States would assure Beijing that Washington isn't out to curb China's rising power while Beijing would work to ease Washington's concerns about its global intentions.
The phrase triggered much puzzlement and debate. To some China watchers, it seemed to open the door for the Chinese to make demands -- such as stopping U.S. arms sales to Taiwan or halting U.S. military reconnaissance off China's coast -- saying they need to be strategically reassured.
Chinese officials, however, worried that "strategic reassurance" would require Beijing to do all of the reassuring, leading to a lopsided relationship.
Steinberg's speech, administration officials have since said, was not preapproved by the National Security Council or the State Department. In a Friday speech previewing Obama's trip, Bader, the NSC's chief Asia hand, did not use the term.
It is not the first time a U.S. administration has struggled to find its voice on China. Under President Bill Clinton, U.S. officials got so confused and tongue-tied that, during a 1996 visit to Shanghai by then-Secretary of State Warren Christopher, a big banner hailing a Sino-U.S. "partnership for the 21st century" had to be taken down and repainted at the last minute to trumpet their less intimate-sounding "cooperation" instead.
When Jimmy Carter established diplomatic relations with Beijing in 1979, Ronald Reagan denounced China as a "statist monopoly founded on violence and propaganda." Five years later, on his way back to Washington after a state visit to Beijing, he struggled to explain how much China had changed. China, he told reporters, was now merely a "so-called communist country."
Orville Schell, a China specialist who heads the Asia Society's Center on U.S.-China Relations, said Americans too often "ignore at our peril" the import of their words. "We Americans don't do ritual very well. We don't take it seriously. For the Chinese, it is all-important."
The U.S. relationship with China, Schell said, is "so fraught with attraction and repulsion, love and hate, contempt and worship" that the two countries can perhaps never be truly relaxed partners. "But we are least co-dependents, or perhaps co-victims, because our common fate is more and more inescapable."
Staff writer John Pomfret contributed to this report.
For Obama, as with his predecessors, defining the U.S. relationship with China involves some semantic calisthenics
By Andrew Higgins and Anne E. Kornblut
When President Obama arrives in Shanghai and Beijing next week, he will face a prickly question that has vexed presidents since Richard M. Nixon first visited Mao Zedong in 1972: How exactly does the United States define its relationship with China?
Over the decades, U.S. leaders have run through a kaleidoscope of terms, from "tacit allies" against the Soviet Union in the early 1970s to "strategic competitors" at the start of President George W. Bush's administration.
When Obama took office, his advisers spent weeks haggling with Chinese officials over what to call a relationship that has left China holding more than $1 trillion of American debt, turned the United States into China's single-biggest export market and enmeshed the nations in an ever-tighter web of mutual dependence.
Washington and Beijing finally came up with a bland characterization, declaring their ties "positive, cooperative and comprehensive." This replaced a Bush-era label that had also defined the relationship as "candid," a word Beijing disliked because it suggested that the two sides might criticize each other.
Such verbal machinations involve far more than semantic quibbling. Words frame how the two sides confront very real issues such as trade, climate change and human rights. "It's something we have always had with the Chinese, dating back to the 1970s," said Jeffrey A. Bader, Obama's senior director for East Asian affairs at the National Security Council. "You can't really go through an administration without having some label that provides a general characterization."
The right words matter
Getting the right words has been the cornerstone of Chinese statecraft and philosophy since the age of Confucius about 2 1/2 millennia ago.
"There must be no arbitrariness in what is said. This matters above everything," decreed Confucius in the Analects, an ancient compilation of his teachings. "If names are not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried to success." Rectifying names, Confucius said, is the starting point for all sound policy.
Nixon recognized this when, after a long career denouncing Mao and his communist regime, he decided to reach out to Beijing. He first signaled the shift in 1970, when, for the first time, he publicly referred to Mao's domain by its official name, the People's Republic of China. He had previously called it Red China, or worse.
But what should Obama, America's most rhetorically gifted president in decades, call today's China?
How does he describe -- and thus deal with -- a country that declares loyalty to Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought while boasting one of world's most competitive capitalist economies, a one-party state that censors media and jails dissidents while giving most ordinary Chinese more personal freedom and economic opportunity than they have had in decades, perhaps even centuries?
Obama's visit to China, the third stop on his week-long Asian tour, will be full of symbolic gestures and rhetorical flourishes as he tries to build trust with Beijing and the Chinese public while signaling America's faith in free speech and other liberties.
He is scheduled to attend a state dinner in Beijing hosted by President and Communist Party chief Hu Jintao, and, like Nixon, tour the Great Wall and the Forbidden City. Substantive matters on the agenda include climate change; efforts to fortify a still-fragile global economy; North Korea's nuclear program; the war in Afghanistan, which shares a border with China's Muslim-populated west; and Pakistan, a long-standing ally of China that is at the center of Obama's foreign-policy concerns.
Obama will also hold a town-hall-style meeting with students in Shanghai. But, as with similar events during past presidential visits, the meeting has involved laborious haggling with Chinese officials over who will be allowed to attend and what they will be allowed to discuss.
A phrase ignites debate
While still a senator from Illinois, Obama came up with a relatively clear-cut definition of what China means to the United States, saying, "They're neither our enemy, nor our friend. They're competitors." He later accused Beijing of manipulating its currency and promised to "use all diplomatic avenues available to seek a change in China's current practices."
He has since retreated from such plain speaking and is unlikely to revive it during next week's visit, his first to China. On the rhetorical front, observers will be keeping watch for a seemingly innocuous phrase that has stirred much debate in recent weeks in diplomatic circles: "strategic reassurance."
Deputy Secretary of State James B. Steinberg rolled out that term during what was billed as a major foreign-policy address in September. The core idea, Steinberg said, is a "tacit bargain" in which the United States would assure Beijing that Washington isn't out to curb China's rising power while Beijing would work to ease Washington's concerns about its global intentions.
The phrase triggered much puzzlement and debate. To some China watchers, it seemed to open the door for the Chinese to make demands -- such as stopping U.S. arms sales to Taiwan or halting U.S. military reconnaissance off China's coast -- saying they need to be strategically reassured.
Chinese officials, however, worried that "strategic reassurance" would require Beijing to do all of the reassuring, leading to a lopsided relationship.
Steinberg's speech, administration officials have since said, was not preapproved by the National Security Council or the State Department. In a Friday speech previewing Obama's trip, Bader, the NSC's chief Asia hand, did not use the term.
It is not the first time a U.S. administration has struggled to find its voice on China. Under President Bill Clinton, U.S. officials got so confused and tongue-tied that, during a 1996 visit to Shanghai by then-Secretary of State Warren Christopher, a big banner hailing a Sino-U.S. "partnership for the 21st century" had to be taken down and repainted at the last minute to trumpet their less intimate-sounding "cooperation" instead.
When Jimmy Carter established diplomatic relations with Beijing in 1979, Ronald Reagan denounced China as a "statist monopoly founded on violence and propaganda." Five years later, on his way back to Washington after a state visit to Beijing, he struggled to explain how much China had changed. China, he told reporters, was now merely a "so-called communist country."
Orville Schell, a China specialist who heads the Asia Society's Center on U.S.-China Relations, said Americans too often "ignore at our peril" the import of their words. "We Americans don't do ritual very well. We don't take it seriously. For the Chinese, it is all-important."
The U.S. relationship with China, Schell said, is "so fraught with attraction and repulsion, love and hate, contempt and worship" that the two countries can perhaps never be truly relaxed partners. "But we are least co-dependents, or perhaps co-victims, because our common fate is more and more inescapable."
Staff writer John Pomfret contributed to this report.
Japan embraces pedophiles and incests in manga world
November 11, 4:35 PM
Manga is popular Japanese comics that allows many Japanese people to escape from a stressful reality. Anything from pedophilia to incest is not only allowed but also endorsed or embraced in manga world. Needless to say, the international community was outrageous when Japanese government conveniently left its manga industry out of the category of child pornography when criminalizing child pornography, Even when banning them, Japanese government had to bite the bullet and made a reluctant decision under the pressure of the international human rights organization. In an effort of protecting its sizable comics industry, Japanese government therefore made a clear distinction between manga/anime and child pornography.
What is manga/anime?
According to the book "understanding manga and anime," it is nothing like a story of Superman or Spiderman. According to the author of the book, Japanese manga is rather 'all porn and damaging to kids.' The author also clearly states that It is not literature.' Therefore, manga is meant to portray "the other," world, which is full of different values and obscure customs. In addition, Manga draws and maintains its readership by promoting unfamiliar and unconventional stories that are sometimes directly contradicts to the ethical values in reality.
Sexual perversion is just romantic in the manga world.
Angel Sanctuary, a popular comic book in Japan, portrays a classic example of how sexual perversion is presented as a romantic but only a complex relationship. The main character, an angelic hero and his sister fall in love with each other. The story builds up on their struggles to be together and consummate their love.
Loveless, another manga comics, is a story of a twelve years old boy falling in love with a twenty years old man, Ritsuka. After losing his brother, the twelve years old boy meet Soubi, who claims to be his brother's friend. Soubi tells the boy that he has inherited his brother's role through a mysterious process, which is a role that requires an intense physical connection with Ritsuka. Soubi also draws on strength by kissing or caressing Ritsuka. Loveless further describes the characters who accuse Soubi as pedophile and pervert as opponents.
Manga creates confusion of moral standard in the minds of readers
Needless to say, many people who visited Japan testify that pedophilia and other sexual perversion are wildly accepted by the culture. It is not because the Japanese society clearly supports the culture of sexual perversion in the society. But it is because manga convinced many Japanese to accept sexual immorality and perversion as different life styles.
Is no one really hurting in this picture?
One may argue that the greatest harm that can be done to anyone or any culture by manga is it portrays women's bodies in fantasy, which has nothing to do with the reality. The U.S. government research, however, clearly shows a close correlation between child molesters and their possession of child pornography. Furthere, the U.S. Ambassador in Tokyo, Japan explains the influence of child pornography on sexual violence in the society. He cited that according to the 2007 U.S. government study, 85% of convicted child molester admitted possession of child pornography.
Does Japan cares about manga's influence of spreading sexual perversion?
No way. For Japanese government, its economic ambition is, as it has been since 19C, much more important than the notion of commercializing children and women. Apparently, Manga industry retains 40% of its entire publishing industry in Japan. Furthermore, the market is only growing internationally as the readership is expanding throughout the South Asian region as well as Western countries. Hey, Japan is the country,where the expansion policies sold its own teenagers to sex industry abroad decades ago. Why would it allow a mere fantasy world for incests and pedophiles to affect its emerging cultural imperialism?
The U.S. is not immune to the influence of manga
A manga collector in the U.S. was sentenced 15 years in jail because some of them include sexual images of children. A research paper warning Indonesian public of manga's penetrating cultural effect on Indonesian youths further shows that the influence of manga is not limited to Japan alone.
Manga is popular Japanese comics that allows many Japanese people to escape from a stressful reality. Anything from pedophilia to incest is not only allowed but also endorsed or embraced in manga world. Needless to say, the international community was outrageous when Japanese government conveniently left its manga industry out of the category of child pornography when criminalizing child pornography, Even when banning them, Japanese government had to bite the bullet and made a reluctant decision under the pressure of the international human rights organization. In an effort of protecting its sizable comics industry, Japanese government therefore made a clear distinction between manga/anime and child pornography.
What is manga/anime?
According to the book "understanding manga and anime," it is nothing like a story of Superman or Spiderman. According to the author of the book, Japanese manga is rather 'all porn and damaging to kids.' The author also clearly states that It is not literature.' Therefore, manga is meant to portray "the other," world, which is full of different values and obscure customs. In addition, Manga draws and maintains its readership by promoting unfamiliar and unconventional stories that are sometimes directly contradicts to the ethical values in reality.
Sexual perversion is just romantic in the manga world.
Angel Sanctuary, a popular comic book in Japan, portrays a classic example of how sexual perversion is presented as a romantic but only a complex relationship. The main character, an angelic hero and his sister fall in love with each other. The story builds up on their struggles to be together and consummate their love.
Loveless, another manga comics, is a story of a twelve years old boy falling in love with a twenty years old man, Ritsuka. After losing his brother, the twelve years old boy meet Soubi, who claims to be his brother's friend. Soubi tells the boy that he has inherited his brother's role through a mysterious process, which is a role that requires an intense physical connection with Ritsuka. Soubi also draws on strength by kissing or caressing Ritsuka. Loveless further describes the characters who accuse Soubi as pedophile and pervert as opponents.
Manga creates confusion of moral standard in the minds of readers
Needless to say, many people who visited Japan testify that pedophilia and other sexual perversion are wildly accepted by the culture. It is not because the Japanese society clearly supports the culture of sexual perversion in the society. But it is because manga convinced many Japanese to accept sexual immorality and perversion as different life styles.
Is no one really hurting in this picture?
One may argue that the greatest harm that can be done to anyone or any culture by manga is it portrays women's bodies in fantasy, which has nothing to do with the reality. The U.S. government research, however, clearly shows a close correlation between child molesters and their possession of child pornography. Furthere, the U.S. Ambassador in Tokyo, Japan explains the influence of child pornography on sexual violence in the society. He cited that according to the 2007 U.S. government study, 85% of convicted child molester admitted possession of child pornography.
Does Japan cares about manga's influence of spreading sexual perversion?
No way. For Japanese government, its economic ambition is, as it has been since 19C, much more important than the notion of commercializing children and women. Apparently, Manga industry retains 40% of its entire publishing industry in Japan. Furthermore, the market is only growing internationally as the readership is expanding throughout the South Asian region as well as Western countries. Hey, Japan is the country,where the expansion policies sold its own teenagers to sex industry abroad decades ago. Why would it allow a mere fantasy world for incests and pedophiles to affect its emerging cultural imperialism?
The U.S. is not immune to the influence of manga
A manga collector in the U.S. was sentenced 15 years in jail because some of them include sexual images of children. A research paper warning Indonesian public of manga's penetrating cultural effect on Indonesian youths further shows that the influence of manga is not limited to Japan alone.
Japan Cools To America Is It Awaits Obama Visit
November 12, 2009
Japan Cools To America Is It Awaits Obama Visit
By HELENE COOPER
WASHINGTON — President Obama will arrive in Tokyo on Friday, at a time when America’s relations with Japan are at their most contentious since the trade wars of the 1990s — and back then, the fights were over luxury cars and semiconductors, not over whether the two countries should re-examine their half-century-old strategic relationship.
When Japan’s Democratic Party came to power in September, ending 50 years of largely one-party government, Obama administration officials put on an outwardly positive face, congratulating the newcomers. But quietly, some American officials expressed fears that the blunt criticism that the Japanese had directed at the United States during the political campaign would translate to a more contentious relationship.
Within weeks, those fears started to play out. The new Japanese government said the country would withdraw from an eight-year-old mission in the Indian Ocean to refuel warships supporting American efforts in Afghanistan.
The government also announced that it planned to revisit a 2006 agreement to relocate a Marine airfield on Okinawa to a less populated part of the island, and to move thousands of Marines from Okinawa to Guam.
And Japanese government officials have suddenly lost their shyness about publicly sparring with American officials, as evident in a dispute in September between Japan’s ambassador to the United States, Ichiro Fujisaki, and the Pentagon.
Meanwhile, Japan’s new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, has called for a more equal relationship with the United States, and his government wants a review of the status of forces agreement, which protects American troops from Japanese legal prosecution. Japanese citizens, and Okinawans in particular, have demanded such a review for years.
When Mr. Hatoyama met Mr. Obama in New York during the United Nations General Assembly in September, the conditions seemed ripe for a kiss-and-make-up session. At their initial meeting, Mr. Obama congratulated Mr. Hatoyama “for running an extraordinary campaign” and complimented his party for “leading dramatic change in Japan.”
Mr. Hatoyama responded with the usual diplomatic niceties, telling reporters after the meeting that “I told President Obama that the Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to be the central pillar, key pillar of the security of Japan and Japanese foreign policy.”
But there were also a few awkward moments. Mr. Hatoyama and his wife, Miyuki, were the last to arrive at a leaders’ dinner at the Phipps Conservatory on the margins of the Group of 20 economic summit meeting in Pittsburgh later that week in September. Mr. Obama and his wife, Michelle, had been greeting arriving guests for almost two hours. “I’m sorry we were late,” Mrs. Hatoyama apologized.
A few days later, after the Obamas and the Hatoyamas flew to Copenhagen to lobby the International Olympic Committee for the 2016 Olympics, Tokyo beat out Chicago in the first round of voting, then was bumped as Rio de Janeiro took the prize.
But all of that paled in comparison with the uproar that erupted in Japan after Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates visited Tokyo in October. Mr. Gates, known for speaking bluntly, pressed Mr. Hatoyama and Japanese military officials to keep their commitment on the military agreements.
“It is time to move on,” Mr. Gates said, calling Japanese proposals to reopen the base issue “counterproductive.” Then, adding insult to injury in the eyes of Japanese commentators, Mr. Gates turned down invitations to attend a welcoming ceremony at the Defense Ministry and to dine with officials there.
In the weeks since, in advance of Mr. Obama’s visit, both countries have taken pains to tone down the rancor. The Japanese government has sent several high-level officials, including members of Parliament, to Washington to take the political temperature. Besides meeting with Obama administration officials, the Japanese representatives have spoken with members of research and policy groups based in Washington, particularly experts on foreign policy issues related to Japan.
“The feelers they’ve been putting out is, ‘Please don’t push us to make a decision because if you do, you’ll hear what you don’t want to hear,’ ” said Andrew L. Oros, a professor at Washington College and the author of “Normalizing Japan: Politics, Identity and the Evolution of Security Practice.”
Japan’s new government is “trying to backtrack from some of their campaign rhetoric, but it’s too soon,” Mr. Oros said.
“This was a historic election,” he added. “They overturned 50 years of conservative rule. They can’t do everything at once.”
Indeed, the new government is under political pressure at home. More than 20,000 Okinawa residents held a protest rally against the base last week, and residents have been vociferous in letting the government know that they expect it to keep its campaign promises.
Administration officials said they had no intention of letting the relationship slide. Mr. Obama will be “looking to build his relationship and his personal ties with the new D.P.J. government there,” Jeffrey A. Bader, Mr. Obama’s senior director for East Asian affairs, told reporters on Monday, using the initials for the Democratic Party of Japan. “This government is looking for a more equal partnership with the United States. We are prepared to move in that direction.”
But the United States, while tamping down the tone of the discussion, is still pressing Japan, particularly on the Okinawa base issue. Mr. Obama, in an interview on Tuesday with NHK television of Japan, said Japan must honor the agreement.
While “it’s perfectly appropriate for the new government to want to re-examine how to move forward,” Mr. Obama told NHK, he added that he was “confident that once that review is completed that they will conclude that the alliance we have, the basing arrangements that have been discussed, all those things serve the interest of Japan and they will continue.”
In an effort to defuse tensions and perhaps make up for saying it would not refuel the Indian Ocean warships, Japan said Tuesday that it would sharply increase its nonmilitary aid to Afghanistan, pledging $5 billion for a variety of projects that include building schools and highways, training police officers, clearing land mines, and rehabilitating former Taliban fighters.
But even if the military squabble is eventually resolved, Japan’s economic relationship with the United States is being altered. China has now surpassed the United States as Japan’s major trading partner, a switch that economists expect to continue as China’s economy grows.
“Japan sees its future more within Asia,” said Eswar S. Prasad, an Asia specialist and professor at Cornell University. “They feel that they owe a lot less to the U.S. right now. U.S. economic policy is hurting them in a lot of ways, particularly with the decline in the value of the dollar versus the yen.”
Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company
Japan Cools To America Is It Awaits Obama Visit
By HELENE COOPER
WASHINGTON — President Obama will arrive in Tokyo on Friday, at a time when America’s relations with Japan are at their most contentious since the trade wars of the 1990s — and back then, the fights were over luxury cars and semiconductors, not over whether the two countries should re-examine their half-century-old strategic relationship.
When Japan’s Democratic Party came to power in September, ending 50 years of largely one-party government, Obama administration officials put on an outwardly positive face, congratulating the newcomers. But quietly, some American officials expressed fears that the blunt criticism that the Japanese had directed at the United States during the political campaign would translate to a more contentious relationship.
Within weeks, those fears started to play out. The new Japanese government said the country would withdraw from an eight-year-old mission in the Indian Ocean to refuel warships supporting American efforts in Afghanistan.
The government also announced that it planned to revisit a 2006 agreement to relocate a Marine airfield on Okinawa to a less populated part of the island, and to move thousands of Marines from Okinawa to Guam.
And Japanese government officials have suddenly lost their shyness about publicly sparring with American officials, as evident in a dispute in September between Japan’s ambassador to the United States, Ichiro Fujisaki, and the Pentagon.
Meanwhile, Japan’s new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, has called for a more equal relationship with the United States, and his government wants a review of the status of forces agreement, which protects American troops from Japanese legal prosecution. Japanese citizens, and Okinawans in particular, have demanded such a review for years.
When Mr. Hatoyama met Mr. Obama in New York during the United Nations General Assembly in September, the conditions seemed ripe for a kiss-and-make-up session. At their initial meeting, Mr. Obama congratulated Mr. Hatoyama “for running an extraordinary campaign” and complimented his party for “leading dramatic change in Japan.”
Mr. Hatoyama responded with the usual diplomatic niceties, telling reporters after the meeting that “I told President Obama that the Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to be the central pillar, key pillar of the security of Japan and Japanese foreign policy.”
But there were also a few awkward moments. Mr. Hatoyama and his wife, Miyuki, were the last to arrive at a leaders’ dinner at the Phipps Conservatory on the margins of the Group of 20 economic summit meeting in Pittsburgh later that week in September. Mr. Obama and his wife, Michelle, had been greeting arriving guests for almost two hours. “I’m sorry we were late,” Mrs. Hatoyama apologized.
A few days later, after the Obamas and the Hatoyamas flew to Copenhagen to lobby the International Olympic Committee for the 2016 Olympics, Tokyo beat out Chicago in the first round of voting, then was bumped as Rio de Janeiro took the prize.
But all of that paled in comparison with the uproar that erupted in Japan after Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates visited Tokyo in October. Mr. Gates, known for speaking bluntly, pressed Mr. Hatoyama and Japanese military officials to keep their commitment on the military agreements.
“It is time to move on,” Mr. Gates said, calling Japanese proposals to reopen the base issue “counterproductive.” Then, adding insult to injury in the eyes of Japanese commentators, Mr. Gates turned down invitations to attend a welcoming ceremony at the Defense Ministry and to dine with officials there.
In the weeks since, in advance of Mr. Obama’s visit, both countries have taken pains to tone down the rancor. The Japanese government has sent several high-level officials, including members of Parliament, to Washington to take the political temperature. Besides meeting with Obama administration officials, the Japanese representatives have spoken with members of research and policy groups based in Washington, particularly experts on foreign policy issues related to Japan.
“The feelers they’ve been putting out is, ‘Please don’t push us to make a decision because if you do, you’ll hear what you don’t want to hear,’ ” said Andrew L. Oros, a professor at Washington College and the author of “Normalizing Japan: Politics, Identity and the Evolution of Security Practice.”
Japan’s new government is “trying to backtrack from some of their campaign rhetoric, but it’s too soon,” Mr. Oros said.
“This was a historic election,” he added. “They overturned 50 years of conservative rule. They can’t do everything at once.”
Indeed, the new government is under political pressure at home. More than 20,000 Okinawa residents held a protest rally against the base last week, and residents have been vociferous in letting the government know that they expect it to keep its campaign promises.
Administration officials said they had no intention of letting the relationship slide. Mr. Obama will be “looking to build his relationship and his personal ties with the new D.P.J. government there,” Jeffrey A. Bader, Mr. Obama’s senior director for East Asian affairs, told reporters on Monday, using the initials for the Democratic Party of Japan. “This government is looking for a more equal partnership with the United States. We are prepared to move in that direction.”
But the United States, while tamping down the tone of the discussion, is still pressing Japan, particularly on the Okinawa base issue. Mr. Obama, in an interview on Tuesday with NHK television of Japan, said Japan must honor the agreement.
While “it’s perfectly appropriate for the new government to want to re-examine how to move forward,” Mr. Obama told NHK, he added that he was “confident that once that review is completed that they will conclude that the alliance we have, the basing arrangements that have been discussed, all those things serve the interest of Japan and they will continue.”
In an effort to defuse tensions and perhaps make up for saying it would not refuel the Indian Ocean warships, Japan said Tuesday that it would sharply increase its nonmilitary aid to Afghanistan, pledging $5 billion for a variety of projects that include building schools and highways, training police officers, clearing land mines, and rehabilitating former Taliban fighters.
But even if the military squabble is eventually resolved, Japan’s economic relationship with the United States is being altered. China has now surpassed the United States as Japan’s major trading partner, a switch that economists expect to continue as China’s economy grows.
“Japan sees its future more within Asia,” said Eswar S. Prasad, an Asia specialist and professor at Cornell University. “They feel that they owe a lot less to the U.S. right now. U.S. economic policy is hurting them in a lot of ways, particularly with the decline in the value of the dollar versus the yen.”
Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company
Life in Japan can be a long and fraught train ride
The Japan Times: Wednesday, Nov. 11, 2009
BILINGUAL
Life in Japan can be a long and fraught train ride
By KAORI SHOJI
Here's an illuminating little tale: In the early years of the Meiji Era (1868-1912), a Japanese official was sent to France to study the police system (which, incidentally, was replicated here). Traveling across the Paris suburbs in a crowded train one summer afternoon, the official was assailed by acute stomach pains, which could only be relieved by going to the men's room. The train car, however, was packed, and even getting up from his seat proved very difficult.
The official took the only way out he could think of. He unfolded his copy of the French newspaper Le Figaro on the floor, quickly did his business on it, folded up the incriminating evidence and lobbed it out the window. Unfortunately, the bundle struck a railway employee working beside the tracks. The next day Le Figaro included an item about the incident, citing it as an example of the sheer rudeness and backwardness of "Orientals" in general — and the Japanese in particular.
When the news reached Japan, the Meiji government was mortified and public lavatories were soon installed in every train station in Japan, no matter how remote. Back in France, the official reportedly said: "Hokani tedatega arutodemo? (他に手だてがあるとでも, What else was I supposed to do?")
Old sins cast long shadows — and it seems public transport in Japan is still trying to overcome the embarrassment, because train stations (usually working with the local government) have always put up constant admonishments about taboo train behavior.
In the 1930s, notices warned workmen to "daitaibu wo kakusu yō (大腿部を隠すよう, cover the thighs)" in public, since these men were apt to raise the hems of their kimono and tie them around the hips for ease of movement — a tradition among manual laborers dating back hundreds of years. In the 1950s, stern signs on station walls told men not to spit, blow their nose into their hands, urinate, vomit or engage in fights on the platforms. In the 1990s, posters featuring young, winsome women in dark suits let everyone know: "Chikan wa hanzaidesu (痴漢は犯罪です, Groping is a criminal offence)" — though when a salaryman met his death at the hands of teenagers involved in the descipable practice of oyaji gari (オヤジ狩り, hunting middle-aged businessmen and old men), it was treated as an isolated incident.
More recently, posters featuring celebrities of the month say with pouting seriousness: "Dame Zettai (ダメ ゼッタイ, No, Absolutely Not)!" — to drugs. Oh, and get tested for HIV while you're at it.
The world changes, as do rules for riding the rails. Judging from current fashion trends, exposing some thigh is perfectly OK. But we do have to turn off cell phones in the vicinity of yūsenseki (優先席, designated seats for the elderly, expecting mothers and physically challenged). We can't lean against doors, we're never supposed to run to board a train, we must turn down the volume on headsets, refrain from carrying large rucksacks strapped to our backs and carefully fold our umbrellas away so they don't drip on other passengers.
Taking the train has become a touchy issue (pun intended). Rather than make eye contact, we stare with fierce concentration at cell-phone screens. We listen to unceasing announcements about where the train will stop next and how we must watch our step and take all our belongings when getting off. And now there's talk of installing security cameras in each car, so let's not even think about misbehaving.
Still, the Japanese are indomitable when it comes to spending time on trains — some manage to be as relaxed and comfortable as if in their own homes. Children head this list, kicking off their shoes and kneeling on the seats with foreheads pressed to the window or, more common these days, lost in whatever game they're playing on nifty little Nintendo DS players. Adult men on the platforms used to practice their golf swings with their umbrellas; now they tune into their headsets and recede into private worlds. Young women are famed for shanai keshō (車内化粧, putting on their makeup in train cars) — always an instructional performance when it gets to setting false eyelashes. And the undōbu (運動部, school sports teams) kids carry huge, bulging equipment bags, separate carry-cases for bats, rackets and basketballs — all often piled between legs that end in large, chunky sneakers. Ravenous from practice, they tuck into onigiri (おにぎり, rice balls) and other snacks — and sleep with their mouths gaping open.
None of this behavior is acceptable. We all know that from reading the bills and notices around us. But hey, when stuck on that long and dreary commute again, what else are we supposed to do?
(C) All rights reserved
BILINGUAL
Life in Japan can be a long and fraught train ride
By KAORI SHOJI
Here's an illuminating little tale: In the early years of the Meiji Era (1868-1912), a Japanese official was sent to France to study the police system (which, incidentally, was replicated here). Traveling across the Paris suburbs in a crowded train one summer afternoon, the official was assailed by acute stomach pains, which could only be relieved by going to the men's room. The train car, however, was packed, and even getting up from his seat proved very difficult.
The official took the only way out he could think of. He unfolded his copy of the French newspaper Le Figaro on the floor, quickly did his business on it, folded up the incriminating evidence and lobbed it out the window. Unfortunately, the bundle struck a railway employee working beside the tracks. The next day Le Figaro included an item about the incident, citing it as an example of the sheer rudeness and backwardness of "Orientals" in general — and the Japanese in particular.
When the news reached Japan, the Meiji government was mortified and public lavatories were soon installed in every train station in Japan, no matter how remote. Back in France, the official reportedly said: "Hokani tedatega arutodemo? (他に手だてがあるとでも, What else was I supposed to do?")
Old sins cast long shadows — and it seems public transport in Japan is still trying to overcome the embarrassment, because train stations (usually working with the local government) have always put up constant admonishments about taboo train behavior.
In the 1930s, notices warned workmen to "daitaibu wo kakusu yō (大腿部を隠すよう, cover the thighs)" in public, since these men were apt to raise the hems of their kimono and tie them around the hips for ease of movement — a tradition among manual laborers dating back hundreds of years. In the 1950s, stern signs on station walls told men not to spit, blow their nose into their hands, urinate, vomit or engage in fights on the platforms. In the 1990s, posters featuring young, winsome women in dark suits let everyone know: "Chikan wa hanzaidesu (痴漢は犯罪です, Groping is a criminal offence)" — though when a salaryman met his death at the hands of teenagers involved in the descipable practice of oyaji gari (オヤジ狩り, hunting middle-aged businessmen and old men), it was treated as an isolated incident.
More recently, posters featuring celebrities of the month say with pouting seriousness: "Dame Zettai (ダメ ゼッタイ, No, Absolutely Not)!" — to drugs. Oh, and get tested for HIV while you're at it.
The world changes, as do rules for riding the rails. Judging from current fashion trends, exposing some thigh is perfectly OK. But we do have to turn off cell phones in the vicinity of yūsenseki (優先席, designated seats for the elderly, expecting mothers and physically challenged). We can't lean against doors, we're never supposed to run to board a train, we must turn down the volume on headsets, refrain from carrying large rucksacks strapped to our backs and carefully fold our umbrellas away so they don't drip on other passengers.
Taking the train has become a touchy issue (pun intended). Rather than make eye contact, we stare with fierce concentration at cell-phone screens. We listen to unceasing announcements about where the train will stop next and how we must watch our step and take all our belongings when getting off. And now there's talk of installing security cameras in each car, so let's not even think about misbehaving.
Still, the Japanese are indomitable when it comes to spending time on trains — some manage to be as relaxed and comfortable as if in their own homes. Children head this list, kicking off their shoes and kneeling on the seats with foreheads pressed to the window or, more common these days, lost in whatever game they're playing on nifty little Nintendo DS players. Adult men on the platforms used to practice their golf swings with their umbrellas; now they tune into their headsets and recede into private worlds. Young women are famed for shanai keshō (車内化粧, putting on their makeup in train cars) — always an instructional performance when it gets to setting false eyelashes. And the undōbu (運動部, school sports teams) kids carry huge, bulging equipment bags, separate carry-cases for bats, rackets and basketballs — all often piled between legs that end in large, chunky sneakers. Ravenous from practice, they tuck into onigiri (おにぎり, rice balls) and other snacks — and sleep with their mouths gaping open.
None of this behavior is acceptable. We all know that from reading the bills and notices around us. But hey, when stuck on that long and dreary commute again, what else are we supposed to do?
(C) All rights reserved
Income gap can sicken rich and poor
The Japan Times: Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
Kyodo News
Income disparities may lead to poor health and death not only among the poor but also wealthier people due to increased stress, according to research released Wednesday in the British Medical Journal.
The disparities could result in 1.54 million extra deaths in 15 countries, including 23,000 extra deaths in Japan, according to the research estimates presented by the group, including Naoki Kondo, assistant professor at Yamanashi University's medical school.
"It's time to consider the disparity issue from the point of health, too," Kondo said.
Yamanashi University professor Zentaro Yamagata, also among the research group, said disparities in society are considered to negatively impact the health of all people as increased stress raises the risk of lifestyle-related diseases and depression.
(C) All rights reserved
Kyodo News
Income disparities may lead to poor health and death not only among the poor but also wealthier people due to increased stress, according to research released Wednesday in the British Medical Journal.
The disparities could result in 1.54 million extra deaths in 15 countries, including 23,000 extra deaths in Japan, according to the research estimates presented by the group, including Naoki Kondo, assistant professor at Yamanashi University's medical school.
"It's time to consider the disparity issue from the point of health, too," Kondo said.
Yamanashi University professor Zentaro Yamagata, also among the research group, said disparities in society are considered to negatively impact the health of all people as increased stress raises the risk of lifestyle-related diseases and depression.
(C) All rights reserved
Futenma's defenders stress its regional security role
The Japan Times: Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
TIES IN THE BALANCE
By JUN HONGO
Staff writer
Second of two parts
With U.S. President Barack Obama coming to Tokyo on Friday, debate is heating up in Japan on what do about the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, Okinawa.
Right from its launch in September, the new government led by the Democratic Party of Japan has been upping the diplomatic tension with the United States by floating various proposals to alleviate the "burdens of Okinawans," who complain of noise pollution from Futenma and the danger of accidents involving military aircraft in the densely populated area.
The government's flip-flops on where to move Futenma's operations have reignited a long-running diplomatic headache with the U.S. and drawn strong criticism from experts and lawmakers deeply worried about the military alliance so vital to Japan's security.
"We are talking about the deterrent aspect of the Marine Corps — not the navy or the army or the air force," Liberal Democratic Party Lower House member Shigeru Ishiba pressed Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama during a Diet session last week.
Ishiba, a former defense minister known for his expertise on military matters, stressed that the U.S. Marines specialize in quick deployments and would provide the first response if a crisis erupts in the region.
Ishiba urged Hashimoto to consider the consequences if Futenma is shifted to a location where it can't play this role.
"There is significance to the Marine Corps' presence" in Okinawa, he said, adding that its deterrence factor protects not only Japan but the entire Far East.
According to the U.S. Forces Japan Web site, U.S. military strength in Japan is about 37,000 service members ashore and 13,000 afloat. The forces are dispersed among 88 facilities around Japan varying in size from major bases to small antenna sites.
U.S. Marine Corps Bases Japan consists of approximately 9,000 marines and civilians, working at two air stations and camps in Okinawa and mainland Japan.
Futenma served as a major base when the U.S. was fighting in Korea, Vietnam and Iraq, expanding and developing to accommodate each occasion. Experts confirm Ishiba's assertion that the Marine Corps provides the leadoff units that land in and secure enemy territory, and Futenma is a linchpin against regional tension.
In 2006, LDP member Fumio Kyuma argued that U.S. Marine Corps in Japan plays a key role in keeping China from making incursions on Taiwan.
He warned that relocating the marines outside of Okinawa would be detrimental to the the prefecture's security, arguing that Chinese military power would have a greater influence in the region.
"If Taiwan is taken by China, Okinawa won't have the luxury of making carefree comments," said Kyuma, who served twice as defense minister.
Indeed, the main island of Okinawa is only 630 km from Taiwan, reachable within an hour by commercial jet. The U.S. military considers Okinawa Island the "keystone of the Pacific," given its strategic importance.
While precise details about Futenma are not disclosed and often change, about 70 aircraft consisting mainly of helicopters are believed to be stationed there. The base also has an airstrip that measures 2,800 meters long and 46 meters wide, according to the city of Ginowan.
One aircraft often seen on the runway is a gigantic C-5 Galaxy cargo plane, which according to the U.S Air Force "can carry fully equipped combat-ready military units to any point in the world on short notice and then provide field support required to help sustain the fighting force."
The aircraft can transport 36 standard pallets of supplies and up to 81 troops simultaneously and has been observed carrying marines between Futenma and Iraq.
Ginowan says on its Web site that training at Futenma is highly practical and includes helicopters hovering at low altitude to practice "touch and go" landings.
Transport aircraft and patrol planes from the nearby Kadena air force base, as well as navy F/A-18 Hornet fighters, also conduct flight training in the area.
Futenma helicopters frequently travel between Camp Schwab, Camp Hansen and other training facilities, making the Ginowan facility the marines' operational center.
If an emergency breaks out in the region, the marines at Futenma are conveniently close to Sasebo, Nagasaki Prefecture. Assault ships stationed there, including the USS Essex, would steam to Futenma to load troops and helicopters and take them to their destination.
For this reason, Washington remains unyielding on the relocation issue, agreeing in 2006 only to close Futenma and relocate its aircraft operations to Henoko, farther north on Okinawa Island, adjacent to Camp Schwab. There are no alternatives to that road map, Defense Secretary Robert Gates said last month in Tokyo, pressuring the Hatoyama administration to abandon any hope of moving Futenma outside Okinawa or the country.
Experts say this is because bases in Japan play a vital role in sustaining the American presence in the Pacific, with past operations demonstrating its influence can reach as far as Iraq.
In addition to the advantage of keeping Futenma's operations in Okinawa, keeping them ear Camp Schwab — where units conduct live-fire training — is also a key component of how the U.S. plans to operate in the future.
Although Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada brought up the old notion of moving Futenma's operations to Kadena, the U.S. Defense Department has been unwavering in rejecting that proposal.
The U.S. says operating the fixed-wing aircraft already at Kadena and Futenma's helicopter units at the same place would be technically very difficult and dangerous.
Experts add that Futenma also serves as a key backup to Kadena — the hub of the U.S. Air Force in the Asia-Pacific region — and that integration would hamper U.S. capability if a crisis erupts in the region.
"Operationally, it is unworkable," Pentagon Press Secretary Geoff Morrell said last month on merging Kadena with Futenma.
"You cannot consolidate the air force operations, the Marine Corps operations at that facility and do all the things that we need to do to provide for the defense of Japan," he said.
Despite such statements, the DPJ's resistance against Futenma's operations has been vocal for more than a decade.
The party said in a 2004 statement that the base's operations can be dispersed to other stations, considering that not very many marines were sent from Futenma to Iraq.
"Measures to halt the operation of the base should be sought in preparation for a return" of the land to Japan, the statement said.
The DPJ also claimed in the 2004 paper that once relocated to overseas locations such as Guam, the marines could be allowed to use Camp Schwab to handle any crises in Japan or the surrounding region.
With the DPJ proposal setting off serious debate between Tokyo and Washington, the opposition LDP has quickly lashed out at Hatoyama and his rickety policies.
"One mistake could leave a scar on bilateral ties between Japan and the U.S.," LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki said during a Diet session last week, adding, "Japan's security policies will also be hampered."
But some military analysts question whether regional security would really suffer if Futenma leaves Okinawa.
"The Marine Corps is designed for initial strikes, such as to create beachheads and secure entry to land" for larger units, said military analyst Tetsuo Maeda, a visiting professor at Okinawa University. Maeda is known as an ardent supporter of the pacifist Constitution.
Maeda said that while such tactics were imperative during the Vietnam and Korean wars, the roles of the U.S. military have changed and battles are being fought differently today.
Given the U.S. capability to quickly deploy forces, Maeda sees no reason marines can't be dispatched from the U.S. mainland.
"I have high hopes (in general) for the Hatoyama-Obama summit, especially with new administrations taking power in both Japan and the U.S.," Maeda said.
However, with opinions on Futenma still not fixed even within the Japanese government, concluding an agreement on the issue will be unlikely, he said.
"I feel that some of the issues haven't been adjusted yet for proper negotiations to take place between the two countries," he said.
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TIES IN THE BALANCE
By JUN HONGO
Staff writer
Second of two parts
With U.S. President Barack Obama coming to Tokyo on Friday, debate is heating up in Japan on what do about the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, Okinawa.
Right from its launch in September, the new government led by the Democratic Party of Japan has been upping the diplomatic tension with the United States by floating various proposals to alleviate the "burdens of Okinawans," who complain of noise pollution from Futenma and the danger of accidents involving military aircraft in the densely populated area.
The government's flip-flops on where to move Futenma's operations have reignited a long-running diplomatic headache with the U.S. and drawn strong criticism from experts and lawmakers deeply worried about the military alliance so vital to Japan's security.
"We are talking about the deterrent aspect of the Marine Corps — not the navy or the army or the air force," Liberal Democratic Party Lower House member Shigeru Ishiba pressed Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama during a Diet session last week.
Ishiba, a former defense minister known for his expertise on military matters, stressed that the U.S. Marines specialize in quick deployments and would provide the first response if a crisis erupts in the region.
Ishiba urged Hashimoto to consider the consequences if Futenma is shifted to a location where it can't play this role.
"There is significance to the Marine Corps' presence" in Okinawa, he said, adding that its deterrence factor protects not only Japan but the entire Far East.
According to the U.S. Forces Japan Web site, U.S. military strength in Japan is about 37,000 service members ashore and 13,000 afloat. The forces are dispersed among 88 facilities around Japan varying in size from major bases to small antenna sites.
U.S. Marine Corps Bases Japan consists of approximately 9,000 marines and civilians, working at two air stations and camps in Okinawa and mainland Japan.
Futenma served as a major base when the U.S. was fighting in Korea, Vietnam and Iraq, expanding and developing to accommodate each occasion. Experts confirm Ishiba's assertion that the Marine Corps provides the leadoff units that land in and secure enemy territory, and Futenma is a linchpin against regional tension.
In 2006, LDP member Fumio Kyuma argued that U.S. Marine Corps in Japan plays a key role in keeping China from making incursions on Taiwan.
He warned that relocating the marines outside of Okinawa would be detrimental to the the prefecture's security, arguing that Chinese military power would have a greater influence in the region.
"If Taiwan is taken by China, Okinawa won't have the luxury of making carefree comments," said Kyuma, who served twice as defense minister.
Indeed, the main island of Okinawa is only 630 km from Taiwan, reachable within an hour by commercial jet. The U.S. military considers Okinawa Island the "keystone of the Pacific," given its strategic importance.
While precise details about Futenma are not disclosed and often change, about 70 aircraft consisting mainly of helicopters are believed to be stationed there. The base also has an airstrip that measures 2,800 meters long and 46 meters wide, according to the city of Ginowan.
One aircraft often seen on the runway is a gigantic C-5 Galaxy cargo plane, which according to the U.S Air Force "can carry fully equipped combat-ready military units to any point in the world on short notice and then provide field support required to help sustain the fighting force."
The aircraft can transport 36 standard pallets of supplies and up to 81 troops simultaneously and has been observed carrying marines between Futenma and Iraq.
Ginowan says on its Web site that training at Futenma is highly practical and includes helicopters hovering at low altitude to practice "touch and go" landings.
Transport aircraft and patrol planes from the nearby Kadena air force base, as well as navy F/A-18 Hornet fighters, also conduct flight training in the area.
Futenma helicopters frequently travel between Camp Schwab, Camp Hansen and other training facilities, making the Ginowan facility the marines' operational center.
If an emergency breaks out in the region, the marines at Futenma are conveniently close to Sasebo, Nagasaki Prefecture. Assault ships stationed there, including the USS Essex, would steam to Futenma to load troops and helicopters and take them to their destination.
For this reason, Washington remains unyielding on the relocation issue, agreeing in 2006 only to close Futenma and relocate its aircraft operations to Henoko, farther north on Okinawa Island, adjacent to Camp Schwab. There are no alternatives to that road map, Defense Secretary Robert Gates said last month in Tokyo, pressuring the Hatoyama administration to abandon any hope of moving Futenma outside Okinawa or the country.
Experts say this is because bases in Japan play a vital role in sustaining the American presence in the Pacific, with past operations demonstrating its influence can reach as far as Iraq.
In addition to the advantage of keeping Futenma's operations in Okinawa, keeping them ear Camp Schwab — where units conduct live-fire training — is also a key component of how the U.S. plans to operate in the future.
Although Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada brought up the old notion of moving Futenma's operations to Kadena, the U.S. Defense Department has been unwavering in rejecting that proposal.
The U.S. says operating the fixed-wing aircraft already at Kadena and Futenma's helicopter units at the same place would be technically very difficult and dangerous.
Experts add that Futenma also serves as a key backup to Kadena — the hub of the U.S. Air Force in the Asia-Pacific region — and that integration would hamper U.S. capability if a crisis erupts in the region.
"Operationally, it is unworkable," Pentagon Press Secretary Geoff Morrell said last month on merging Kadena with Futenma.
"You cannot consolidate the air force operations, the Marine Corps operations at that facility and do all the things that we need to do to provide for the defense of Japan," he said.
Despite such statements, the DPJ's resistance against Futenma's operations has been vocal for more than a decade.
The party said in a 2004 statement that the base's operations can be dispersed to other stations, considering that not very many marines were sent from Futenma to Iraq.
"Measures to halt the operation of the base should be sought in preparation for a return" of the land to Japan, the statement said.
The DPJ also claimed in the 2004 paper that once relocated to overseas locations such as Guam, the marines could be allowed to use Camp Schwab to handle any crises in Japan or the surrounding region.
With the DPJ proposal setting off serious debate between Tokyo and Washington, the opposition LDP has quickly lashed out at Hatoyama and his rickety policies.
"One mistake could leave a scar on bilateral ties between Japan and the U.S.," LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki said during a Diet session last week, adding, "Japan's security policies will also be hampered."
But some military analysts question whether regional security would really suffer if Futenma leaves Okinawa.
"The Marine Corps is designed for initial strikes, such as to create beachheads and secure entry to land" for larger units, said military analyst Tetsuo Maeda, a visiting professor at Okinawa University. Maeda is known as an ardent supporter of the pacifist Constitution.
Maeda said that while such tactics were imperative during the Vietnam and Korean wars, the roles of the U.S. military have changed and battles are being fought differently today.
Given the U.S. capability to quickly deploy forces, Maeda sees no reason marines can't be dispatched from the U.S. mainland.
"I have high hopes (in general) for the Hatoyama-Obama summit, especially with new administrations taking power in both Japan and the U.S.," Maeda said.
However, with opinions on Futenma still not fixed even within the Japanese government, concluding an agreement on the issue will be unlikely, he said.
"I feel that some of the issues haven't been adjusted yet for proper negotiations to take place between the two countries," he said.
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Never a dull moment when U.S. presidents come calling
The Japan Times: Wednesday, Nov. 11, 2009
Q&A
Never a dull moment when U.S. presidents come calling
By JUN HONGO
Staff writer
U.S. President Barack Obama will make his first Japan visit Friday and exchange views with the new Democratic Party of Japan administration of Yukio Hatoyama on global concerns.
During his two-day stay in Tokyo, Obama is expected to touch on complex bilateral negotiations, ranging from the relocation of the Futenma air base to how the two countries can work together to fight climate change.
Yet looking back, past presidential visits have routinely caused a national stir even when thorny issues weren't on the horizon.
Following are questions and answers regarding U.S. presidential visits:
Who was the first U.S. president to visit Japan?
Ulysses S. Grant came in June 1879, two years after leaving the White House. In addition to meeting Emperor Meiji, Grant planted a Himalayan cedar at Zojoji Temple in Tokyo.
But a visit by a sitting president took nearly a century after Grant's trip.
Dwight Eisenhower had planned to visit Tokyo in June 1960, but before his arrival Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi tried to ram the newly revised Japan-U.S. security treaty through the Diet. This set in motion antigovernment demonstrations around Tokyo, leading Kishi to cancel the president's visit at the last minute due to security concerns. Ike was all but set to depart from Manila to Japan when his tour was called off.
President Richard Nixon was also scheduled to visit Japan, but before he could come the Watergate scandal broke and he eventually resigned from office.
The first sitting president to visit Japan was Gerald Ford, who arrived in Tokyo in November 1974 and met with Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka. Their summit featured a theme still relevant today — cutting back on energy spending — because of the oil crisis.
Ronald Reagan in 1983 became the first American president to address the Diet, where he expressed determination to reduce the U.S. and Soviet nuclear arsenals.
Where do U.S. presidents stay when they're in Japan?
Many, including Ford, have stayed at the state guesthouse in Akasaka while in Tokyo. Those who travel to other parts of the country sometimes use hotels. Ford lodged at the Miyako Hotel in Kyoto.
During his visit in 1979 to attend the Group of Seven summit in Tokyo, President Jimmy Carter chose to stay at the ambassador's residence on the grounds of the U.S. Embassy in Akasaka. Carter was seen jogging on the grounds in the morning and taking a dip in the embassy pool. Approximately 400 of his accompanying staff, including pilots, Cabinet secretaries and assistants, were crammed in the nearby Hotel Okura annex the U.S. government reserved exclusively for the stay.
Costs for accommodations that Japan pays vary depending on the length of the visit. But a three-night stay by a state guest at the government guesthouse and providing a dozen cars for transportation reportedly costs about ¥30 million.
How do presidents travel within Japan?
Presidents often say they felt at home while in Japan, but that may mean more than just Tokyo's hospitality. For example, after arriving aboard Air Force One, three U.S. helicopters awaited Commander in Chief Ford.
During his visit in 1983, Reagan boarded the chopper Marine One with first lady Nancy when traveling to Hinode in western Tokyo. He was greeted there by Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, who performed the tea ceremony at his 2.5-hectare cottage.
What is the security situation for visiting presidents?
Security provided by police is tight. When Ford arrived in Tokyo, some 25,000 officers were mobilized to seal off Haneda airport and block access to the major thoroughfares en route to the government guesthouse.
Carter's arrival saw 26,000 officers providing security for the president and his team, but critics called this overkill. Mike Mansfield, who was the U.S. ambassador at the time, filed a protest with the metropolitan police, saying restrictions placed on the U.S. press corps were too tight.
Coinciding with ceremonies for the 20th anniversary of the Emperor's reign, the police presence in Tokyo during Obama's visit is expected to be enormous.
Media reports have said some 16,000 officers will be patrolling the streets and manning roadblocks to inspect vehicles. Hot spots that will see tightened security include the U.S. Embassy, the U.S. Yokota Air Base, Narita airport and the prime minister's office.
But the workload often takes a toll on those providing security. The Tokyo District Court last month ruled in favor of a former police officer who claimed his cerebral hemorrhage was caused by stress during his duty during former President George W. Bush's 2002 visit to Tokyo.
The court said the officer fell ill after surveying the highway prior to Bush's arrival. Records revealed his overtime reached 47 hours during the week leading to his internal bleeding, and the judge acknowledged the workload triggered excessive mental and physical stress.
Meanwhile, details of the president's security or the number of agents that accompany him are usually kept confidential. It was reported that Carter, his wife, Rosalynn, and daughter, Amy, were protected by about 100 members of the Secret Service while staying at the embassy in 1979. Media reports said 600 security agents were dispatched to China when George W. Bush attended the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics in 2008.
Secret Service agents are allowed to carry their weapons when entering and on duty in Japan.
What do presidents do in their time off?
Obama may find it hard to tour the city during his short stay, but presidents often hit the city after work to experience what Japan has to offer. Carter and his family took in a kabuki show and dined at a yakitori restaurant in Roppongi.
George H.W. Bush made time for a tennis match against Emperor Akihito and Crown Prince Naruhito in 1992. Bush, who paired with former U.S. Ambassador Michael Armacost, lost the two-set match 6-3, 6-3.
Have there been any emergencies?
On Jan. 8, 1992, President George H.W. Bush fell ill while attending a dinner reception with Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa and threw up.
A U.S. Air Force ambulance was immediately summoned and Bush was diagnosed with gastric flu. He canceled the next morning's engagements but returned for later duties.
Although a visit to a Tokyo hospital was arranged, the president ended up being examined by an accompanying White House physician.
Such also was the case when Rosalynn Carter fell ill soon after arriving in Japan with the president in 1979. Instead of visiting a hospital, a White House physician took care of the first lady.
Has there been any friction during U.S.-Japan summits in Tokyo?
Obama's visit will likely see the contentious Futenma base relocation hold center stage.
Bilateral talks in the 1980s and '90s were all about easing economic friction. Reagan asked Nakasone to coordinate on monetary policy to rectify the exchange rate imbalance, while George H.W. Bush pushed Miyazawa to accept attaching a tariff on imported rice.
But the strongest friction occurred the time a bilateral summit didn't take place.
In 1998, President Bill Clinton miffed Tokyo when he visited China for nine days but neglected to swing by Japan. The incident, which triggered the term "Japan passing," spread concern that the Democratic Party places more importance on China than Japan.
(C) All rights reserved
Q&A
Never a dull moment when U.S. presidents come calling
By JUN HONGO
Staff writer
U.S. President Barack Obama will make his first Japan visit Friday and exchange views with the new Democratic Party of Japan administration of Yukio Hatoyama on global concerns.
During his two-day stay in Tokyo, Obama is expected to touch on complex bilateral negotiations, ranging from the relocation of the Futenma air base to how the two countries can work together to fight climate change.
Yet looking back, past presidential visits have routinely caused a national stir even when thorny issues weren't on the horizon.
Following are questions and answers regarding U.S. presidential visits:
Who was the first U.S. president to visit Japan?
Ulysses S. Grant came in June 1879, two years after leaving the White House. In addition to meeting Emperor Meiji, Grant planted a Himalayan cedar at Zojoji Temple in Tokyo.
But a visit by a sitting president took nearly a century after Grant's trip.
Dwight Eisenhower had planned to visit Tokyo in June 1960, but before his arrival Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi tried to ram the newly revised Japan-U.S. security treaty through the Diet. This set in motion antigovernment demonstrations around Tokyo, leading Kishi to cancel the president's visit at the last minute due to security concerns. Ike was all but set to depart from Manila to Japan when his tour was called off.
President Richard Nixon was also scheduled to visit Japan, but before he could come the Watergate scandal broke and he eventually resigned from office.
The first sitting president to visit Japan was Gerald Ford, who arrived in Tokyo in November 1974 and met with Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka. Their summit featured a theme still relevant today — cutting back on energy spending — because of the oil crisis.
Ronald Reagan in 1983 became the first American president to address the Diet, where he expressed determination to reduce the U.S. and Soviet nuclear arsenals.
Where do U.S. presidents stay when they're in Japan?
Many, including Ford, have stayed at the state guesthouse in Akasaka while in Tokyo. Those who travel to other parts of the country sometimes use hotels. Ford lodged at the Miyako Hotel in Kyoto.
During his visit in 1979 to attend the Group of Seven summit in Tokyo, President Jimmy Carter chose to stay at the ambassador's residence on the grounds of the U.S. Embassy in Akasaka. Carter was seen jogging on the grounds in the morning and taking a dip in the embassy pool. Approximately 400 of his accompanying staff, including pilots, Cabinet secretaries and assistants, were crammed in the nearby Hotel Okura annex the U.S. government reserved exclusively for the stay.
Costs for accommodations that Japan pays vary depending on the length of the visit. But a three-night stay by a state guest at the government guesthouse and providing a dozen cars for transportation reportedly costs about ¥30 million.
How do presidents travel within Japan?
Presidents often say they felt at home while in Japan, but that may mean more than just Tokyo's hospitality. For example, after arriving aboard Air Force One, three U.S. helicopters awaited Commander in Chief Ford.
During his visit in 1983, Reagan boarded the chopper Marine One with first lady Nancy when traveling to Hinode in western Tokyo. He was greeted there by Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, who performed the tea ceremony at his 2.5-hectare cottage.
What is the security situation for visiting presidents?
Security provided by police is tight. When Ford arrived in Tokyo, some 25,000 officers were mobilized to seal off Haneda airport and block access to the major thoroughfares en route to the government guesthouse.
Carter's arrival saw 26,000 officers providing security for the president and his team, but critics called this overkill. Mike Mansfield, who was the U.S. ambassador at the time, filed a protest with the metropolitan police, saying restrictions placed on the U.S. press corps were too tight.
Coinciding with ceremonies for the 20th anniversary of the Emperor's reign, the police presence in Tokyo during Obama's visit is expected to be enormous.
Media reports have said some 16,000 officers will be patrolling the streets and manning roadblocks to inspect vehicles. Hot spots that will see tightened security include the U.S. Embassy, the U.S. Yokota Air Base, Narita airport and the prime minister's office.
But the workload often takes a toll on those providing security. The Tokyo District Court last month ruled in favor of a former police officer who claimed his cerebral hemorrhage was caused by stress during his duty during former President George W. Bush's 2002 visit to Tokyo.
The court said the officer fell ill after surveying the highway prior to Bush's arrival. Records revealed his overtime reached 47 hours during the week leading to his internal bleeding, and the judge acknowledged the workload triggered excessive mental and physical stress.
Meanwhile, details of the president's security or the number of agents that accompany him are usually kept confidential. It was reported that Carter, his wife, Rosalynn, and daughter, Amy, were protected by about 100 members of the Secret Service while staying at the embassy in 1979. Media reports said 600 security agents were dispatched to China when George W. Bush attended the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics in 2008.
Secret Service agents are allowed to carry their weapons when entering and on duty in Japan.
What do presidents do in their time off?
Obama may find it hard to tour the city during his short stay, but presidents often hit the city after work to experience what Japan has to offer. Carter and his family took in a kabuki show and dined at a yakitori restaurant in Roppongi.
George H.W. Bush made time for a tennis match against Emperor Akihito and Crown Prince Naruhito in 1992. Bush, who paired with former U.S. Ambassador Michael Armacost, lost the two-set match 6-3, 6-3.
Have there been any emergencies?
On Jan. 8, 1992, President George H.W. Bush fell ill while attending a dinner reception with Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa and threw up.
A U.S. Air Force ambulance was immediately summoned and Bush was diagnosed with gastric flu. He canceled the next morning's engagements but returned for later duties.
Although a visit to a Tokyo hospital was arranged, the president ended up being examined by an accompanying White House physician.
Such also was the case when Rosalynn Carter fell ill soon after arriving in Japan with the president in 1979. Instead of visiting a hospital, a White House physician took care of the first lady.
Has there been any friction during U.S.-Japan summits in Tokyo?
Obama's visit will likely see the contentious Futenma base relocation hold center stage.
Bilateral talks in the 1980s and '90s were all about easing economic friction. Reagan asked Nakasone to coordinate on monetary policy to rectify the exchange rate imbalance, while George H.W. Bush pushed Miyazawa to accept attaching a tariff on imported rice.
But the strongest friction occurred the time a bilateral summit didn't take place.
In 1998, President Bill Clinton miffed Tokyo when he visited China for nine days but neglected to swing by Japan. The incident, which triggered the term "Japan passing," spread concern that the Democratic Party places more importance on China than Japan.
(C) All rights reserved
Geithner praises Hatoyama tack
The Japan Times: Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
Kyodo News
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's new economic policies focused on boosting domestic demand are "very encouraging" as they are perfectly in line with major countries' ongoing efforts to aim for more balanced and sustainable growth, visiting U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner said Wednesday.
"I think the broad direction that the prime minister's laid out is very encouraging," Geithner said in a group interview with reporters at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, adding there are "early signs of a stronger domestic demand-led economy."
Japan and the United States, along with other Group of 20 major economies, have agreed that countries with huge trade surpluses need to be less reliant on U.S. consumption and those spending too much need to save more for their future growth to avoid another economic crisis.
Geithner also said the future of Japan Post Holdings Co.'s privatization is an issue for Tokyo, but Washington cares about whether "Japan's markets are more open in the future."
Geithner said he did not raise issues related to the privatization during his Tuesday evening meeting with Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii.
He repeated that the United States seeks a strong dollar, at a time when the dollar is weakening against other major currencies.
"I believe deeply that it's very important . . . for the economic health of the United States that we maintain a strong dollar," Geithner said, a day after Fujii voiced support for Washington's long-held stance on its own currency during their meeting.
Geithner said he believes Washington and Tokyo "share an interest in creating a more stable international financial system."
"Because of the important role that the dollar plays in the international financial system, we bear a special responsibility for trying to make sure that we are implementing policies in the United States that will sustain confidence" for people around the world, he said.
Japan-U.S. ties
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stressed the importance of a close relationship between Japanese and U.S. leaders Wednesday in his meeting with U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner ahead of his Friday talks in Tokyo with U.S. President Barack Obama.
A close bond between Japanese and U.S. leaders is important for world peace and financial stability, Hatoyama told Geithner during their meeting at the Prime Minister's Official Residence, government officials said.
Geithner replied that Obama is willing to strengthen economic ties between the two countries, they said.
Earlier in the day, Geithner, who is in Tokyo before Obama's visit Friday, also met with Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan, who later said he received an assurance the United States is not reinforcing its ties with China at the expense of Japan.
(C) All rights reserved
Kyodo News
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's new economic policies focused on boosting domestic demand are "very encouraging" as they are perfectly in line with major countries' ongoing efforts to aim for more balanced and sustainable growth, visiting U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner said Wednesday.
"I think the broad direction that the prime minister's laid out is very encouraging," Geithner said in a group interview with reporters at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, adding there are "early signs of a stronger domestic demand-led economy."
Japan and the United States, along with other Group of 20 major economies, have agreed that countries with huge trade surpluses need to be less reliant on U.S. consumption and those spending too much need to save more for their future growth to avoid another economic crisis.
Geithner also said the future of Japan Post Holdings Co.'s privatization is an issue for Tokyo, but Washington cares about whether "Japan's markets are more open in the future."
Geithner said he did not raise issues related to the privatization during his Tuesday evening meeting with Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii.
He repeated that the United States seeks a strong dollar, at a time when the dollar is weakening against other major currencies.
"I believe deeply that it's very important . . . for the economic health of the United States that we maintain a strong dollar," Geithner said, a day after Fujii voiced support for Washington's long-held stance on its own currency during their meeting.
Geithner said he believes Washington and Tokyo "share an interest in creating a more stable international financial system."
"Because of the important role that the dollar plays in the international financial system, we bear a special responsibility for trying to make sure that we are implementing policies in the United States that will sustain confidence" for people around the world, he said.
Japan-U.S. ties
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stressed the importance of a close relationship between Japanese and U.S. leaders Wednesday in his meeting with U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner ahead of his Friday talks in Tokyo with U.S. President Barack Obama.
A close bond between Japanese and U.S. leaders is important for world peace and financial stability, Hatoyama told Geithner during their meeting at the Prime Minister's Official Residence, government officials said.
Geithner replied that Obama is willing to strengthen economic ties between the two countries, they said.
Earlier in the day, Geithner, who is in Tokyo before Obama's visit Friday, also met with Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan, who later said he received an assurance the United States is not reinforcing its ties with China at the expense of Japan.
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Japanese war orphans make return trip to foster families
Created: 2009-11-12 1:58:56
FORTY-FIVE Japanese war orphans who revisited China to thank their Chinese foster families received a warm welcome in Beijing yesterday.
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao met the orphans, now mostly in their 70s, in Zhongnanhai, a residential and office compound for state leaders.
Wen invited the orphans to Zhongnanhai for talks and also accompanied them on a visit to the former residence and office of the late Premier Zhou Enlai, who was very concerned about the war orphanage issue.
The Japanese orphans had been left behind by their parents after the eight-year war against China. More than 2,800 Japanese orphans were taken in by Chinese families, and most of them went back to Japan in the 1980s and 1990s after normalization of bilateral ties.
The return gathering was organized to express the war orphans' gratitude to their foster families, but the visit was also an emotional one as many of their foster parents have died.
"We cared about the living conditions of the orphans after they returned to Japan, and I believe that everybody will live a happy and stable life though their own efforts and by support from the Japanese government and all walks of life," said Wen in talks with the delegation.
Wen said that it was a handful of militarists who were responsible for the war, and the Japanese people were also victims of the conflict.
"The Chinese people, despite their own suffering caused by the war, saved the lives of the orphans and brought them up instead of pouring their hatred on the Japanese people," Wen said.
He said the war orphans will again feel the love given by their foster parents and the deep friendship between the Chinese and Japanese people.
The war orphans have been active in promoting China-Japan friendship since they returned to Japan. They raised funds to build a primary school called the China-Japan Friendship Hope School in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake last year. History shows "peace between China and Japan leads to mutual benefits, and rivalry is damaging to both," Wen said.
Members of the delegation said that although they now live in Japan, they still miss their family and hometowns in China. They were excited about the trip and want to continue to work for lasting friendship between the two peoples.
Xinhua
Copyright © 2001-2009 Shanghai Daily Publishing House
FORTY-FIVE Japanese war orphans who revisited China to thank their Chinese foster families received a warm welcome in Beijing yesterday.
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao met the orphans, now mostly in their 70s, in Zhongnanhai, a residential and office compound for state leaders.
Wen invited the orphans to Zhongnanhai for talks and also accompanied them on a visit to the former residence and office of the late Premier Zhou Enlai, who was very concerned about the war orphanage issue.
The Japanese orphans had been left behind by their parents after the eight-year war against China. More than 2,800 Japanese orphans were taken in by Chinese families, and most of them went back to Japan in the 1980s and 1990s after normalization of bilateral ties.
The return gathering was organized to express the war orphans' gratitude to their foster families, but the visit was also an emotional one as many of their foster parents have died.
"We cared about the living conditions of the orphans after they returned to Japan, and I believe that everybody will live a happy and stable life though their own efforts and by support from the Japanese government and all walks of life," said Wen in talks with the delegation.
Wen said that it was a handful of militarists who were responsible for the war, and the Japanese people were also victims of the conflict.
"The Chinese people, despite their own suffering caused by the war, saved the lives of the orphans and brought them up instead of pouring their hatred on the Japanese people," Wen said.
He said the war orphans will again feel the love given by their foster parents and the deep friendship between the Chinese and Japanese people.
The war orphans have been active in promoting China-Japan friendship since they returned to Japan. They raised funds to build a primary school called the China-Japan Friendship Hope School in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake last year. History shows "peace between China and Japan leads to mutual benefits, and rivalry is damaging to both," Wen said.
Members of the delegation said that although they now live in Japan, they still miss their family and hometowns in China. They were excited about the trip and want to continue to work for lasting friendship between the two peoples.
Xinhua
Copyright © 2001-2009 Shanghai Daily Publishing House
Dig in Nara, not Kyushu, yields palatial ruins possibly of Himiko
The Japan Times: Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
KASHIHARA, Nara Pref. (Kyodo) Archaeologists have found the remains of a structure dating back to the early third century in Nara Prefecture that could be a palace of legendary ruler Queen Himiko, a local board of education said Tuesday.
The board said it estimates a stilt house with a total floor space of some 238 sq. meters was located in the so-called Makimuku ruins in the current city of Sakurai, and the remains are believed to be the largest at that time period.
Queen Himiko governed the Yamatai Kingdom from about the end of the second century and died around 248, according to accounts of Japan in Chinese ancient history books.
But the location of the ancient kingdom has been a matter of dispute in Japanese archaeology, where views are divided between Kyushu and the Kinki region in western Japan. The new finding would support a hypothesis that the kingdom was in the Kinki area.
The estimated floor space of the structure exceeds that of others unearthed in the Yoshinogari ruins in Saga Prefecture. They occupied about 156 sq. meters.
Researchers also found that the remains and sites of three other previously discovered buildings stood in a straight line in the Makimuku ruins.
Hironobu Ishino, director of the Hyogo Prefectural Museum of Archaeology, said the newly found remains suggest Himiko lived in a palace in the Makimuku ruins. "A building cluster that is placed in such a well-planned manner is unprecedented in Japan at that time period," he said.
(C) All rights reserved
KASHIHARA, Nara Pref. (Kyodo) Archaeologists have found the remains of a structure dating back to the early third century in Nara Prefecture that could be a palace of legendary ruler Queen Himiko, a local board of education said Tuesday.
The board said it estimates a stilt house with a total floor space of some 238 sq. meters was located in the so-called Makimuku ruins in the current city of Sakurai, and the remains are believed to be the largest at that time period.
Queen Himiko governed the Yamatai Kingdom from about the end of the second century and died around 248, according to accounts of Japan in Chinese ancient history books.
But the location of the ancient kingdom has been a matter of dispute in Japanese archaeology, where views are divided between Kyushu and the Kinki region in western Japan. The new finding would support a hypothesis that the kingdom was in the Kinki area.
The estimated floor space of the structure exceeds that of others unearthed in the Yoshinogari ruins in Saga Prefecture. They occupied about 156 sq. meters.
Researchers also found that the remains and sites of three other previously discovered buildings stood in a straight line in the Makimuku ruins.
Hironobu Ishino, director of the Hyogo Prefectural Museum of Archaeology, said the newly found remains suggest Himiko lived in a palace in the Makimuku ruins. "A building cluster that is placed in such a well-planned manner is unprecedented in Japan at that time period," he said.
(C) All rights reserved
Base relocation remains thorn in side of Japan-U.S. ties
The Japan Times: Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
By ERIC JOHNSTON
Staff writer
OSAKA — On April 12, 1996, Okinawa Gov. Masahide Ota was meeting with prefectural officials when Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto telephoned with big news.
"It's been decided that Futenma will be returned. However, a replacement facility will probably be necessary. Please cooperate," Hashimoto told Ota. The governor, however, told Hashimoto he'd have to discuss the issue with other prefectural officials.
"U.S. Ambassador Walter Mondale is coming in five minutes. There's no time," Hashimoto replied. When Ota said he would not cooperate where he could not, Hashimoto said that, as Ota spoke English, he could tell Mondale that himself.
A few minutes later, the governor received a call from Mondale and merely thanked him for agreeing to return Futenma. Afterward, Hashimoto and Mondale announced the agreement, unaware they'd begun a process that more than 13 years later remains unresolved and is now a full-blown bilateral political snafu.
The saga of Futenma is one of misunderstandings, poor communication, bureaucratic rivalries, opportunistic politicians and business leaders, indifferent central government bureaucrats and deep opposition among Okinawans, critics say. In addition, arrogance on the part of U.S. officials, especially former U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, the architect of a 2006 agreement, has been blamed by many Okinawans and Americans for making a bad problem worse.
To break the impasse, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has floated the idea of integrating Futenma into Kadena Air Base in central Okinawa instead of straddling a cape near Nago. But the idea is nothing new.
It was, in fact, originally suggested by Japan back in 1996 during negotiations with the U.S, while the Americans offered unused land within the Kadena Ammunition Storage Area. Both ideas were nixed when the U.S. side opposed relocating to Kadena Air Base due to operational and safety concerns, as well as the bureaucratic rivalries between the air force at Kadena and the marines at Futenma.
Residents living near the base and munitions area also vigorously opposed the plans. After the prefectural assembly passed a resolution later in 1996 opposing Futenma's relocation within the prefecture, Kadena was no longer an option.
Other alternatives surfaced during bilateral negotiations in the mid-1990s. One was to fill in a sea area west of the city of Urasoe, south of Futenma. It was close to Camp Zukeran, where many marines live, and the waters were shallow.
The U.S., however, objected, saying that because it was on Okinawa's western coast, it couldn't easily be defended. Nakagusuku Bay, off the marines' White Beach Training Area, was also considered, but Ota opposed that plan, saying it would interfere with commercial development plans.
But Camp Schwab, farther north on Okinawa Island, was mentioned by both the U.S. and Japan as a possible location.
By November 1996, the sea off Camp Schwab emerged as a preferred location, even though Nago passed a unanimous resolution opposing an offshore airstrip. A month later, the U.S. and Japan released a "final" report that called for pursuing a sea-based facility to absorb the operational functions of Futenma, construction of a 1,300-meter runway, and for the current Futenma facility to be returned by 2003 at the latest.
The report did not specify an exact location for a replacement facility but said it was to be located off the east coast of Okinawa, so Nago was clearly in the running.
Despite considerable opposition, many Nago businesspeople favored the project. They presented their own plan, which called for a heliport to be built on reclaimed land with more local workers and participation by local construction firms. This, they told Tokyo, was the only way to overcome the opposition.
Nago seemed to be the best option for the U.S. and Japan, but local politicians in Okinawa fiercely opposed the move.
A nonbinding plebiscite was held in December 1997 in which 52 percent of Nago voters said no to an offshore heliport. Three days later, Nago's mayor met Hashimoto, told him he was ignoring the plebiscite, accepted the heliport, and then announced he would step down.
Two months later, a candidate in favor of the heliport won the mayoral election by a mere 1,100 votes. But Okinawa Gov. Ota rejected the heliport, creating distrust in Tokyo and Washington and further straining relations between Okinawa and the central government. The governor has the authority to approve the land fill necessary for the heliport, and thus can halt the entire relocation plan.
Ota, however, was replaced in the 1998 election by Keiichi Inamine, who convinced voters he could break the impasse between Tokyo and Okinawa and bring economic prosperity if local firms benefited from the construction of the new facility and nearby residents were not affected by the noise.
Inamine proposed a facility to be shared by the U.S. military and commercial airlines and a 15-year time limit on the facility, both of which were opposed by the U.S.
Yet Washington understood Inamine was the only candidate who might get a replacement facility built. Then U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen gave Inamine's campaign a boost by saying the U.S. would review the heliport proposal if the central and prefectural governments agreed on an alternative.
Pressure from Tokyo and Washington on Inamine to fulfill the 1996 agreement grew after he took office. So he put together a study group of potential sites, although critics would later question just how serious he considered other locations. In September 1999, Inamine announced that the area off Nago was the best alternative.
As a carrot, the central and prefectural governments promised a ¥100 billion economic stimulus package for northern Okinawa Island. Not long afterward, Nago passed a resolution accepting a relocation facility, although what kind of facility would be built had not been decided.
Despite all of the political maneuvering and promises of money, opposition to relocation within the prefecture remained strong, and no further progress was made, creating concern in Washington when George W. Bush became president in 2000.
By 2003, the year by which Futenma was originally supposed to have been relocated, the U.S. Defense Department under Rumsfeld was drawing up plans for a major force realignment in Asia.
Negotiations between Japan and the U.S. eventually produced a comprehensive realignment agreement in 2006, the centerpiece of which was the relocation of Futenma to the cape near Nago in the Henoko district, where Camp Schwab is located, by 2014 in exchange for transferring 8,000 marines and their dependents, who at the time numbered around 9,000, to Guam.
To the shock and dismay of Okinawans, the agreement called for a previously unheard-of two runways in a V pattern and a facility to be built partially offshore but closer to land than the prefecture or Nago wanted. It would not be a joint civilian-military facility or have a time limit.
The plan was roundly criticized by all sectors of Okinawan society, while many marines on Okinawa privately said it was unworkable and simply stiffened local opposition.
Inamine was replaced by Hirokazu Nakaima in the November 2006 election. Nakaima campaigned by saying he opposed Tokyo's plans for the facility. But he later began qualifying his statements and by this fall had reversed his position completely, calling acceptance of the Henoko replacement facility inevitable.
Despite ongoing talks over the past three years and widespread local opposition to the Henoko plan, neither Tokyo nor Washington had offered any major concessions by the time the U.S. elected Barack Obama as president last November. Throughout the negotiation process, Washington had been dealing with a Liberal Democratic Party-ruled government in Tokyo. All of that changed in August.
Now, Washington faces resistance not only in Okinawa, where the prefectural assembly is in the hands of opponents belonging to the new force in power, the Democratic Party of Japan, but also among Diet members from Okinawa who are also calling for Futenma to be relocated outside of the prefecture.
In Tokyo, key DPJ figure Yukio Hatoyama told Okinawans in 2008 that he favored moving Futenma out of the prefecture. Now the prime minister, he has said that no decision on Futenma will be made before Obama arrives and that he wants to get the opinion of the Okinawan people on the issue.
But what Hatoyama may be trying to do now is to do away with the 13-year-old history of negotiations between the U.S., Japan and Okinawa, start from scratch and possibly come up with a new agreement in a couple of months, which critics say is impossible.
As Obama arrives in Japan, he finds no realistic alternatives on Futenma's relocation on the table, and growing warnings that Japan's relationship with the U.S. is now under pressure.
As one U.S. State Department official in Japan recently joked, Obama might show he's worthy of his recent Nobel Peace Prize by steering the Futenma issue to a successful conclusion, although successful for who remains an open question.
(C) All rights reserved
By ERIC JOHNSTON
Staff writer
OSAKA — On April 12, 1996, Okinawa Gov. Masahide Ota was meeting with prefectural officials when Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto telephoned with big news.
"It's been decided that Futenma will be returned. However, a replacement facility will probably be necessary. Please cooperate," Hashimoto told Ota. The governor, however, told Hashimoto he'd have to discuss the issue with other prefectural officials.
"U.S. Ambassador Walter Mondale is coming in five minutes. There's no time," Hashimoto replied. When Ota said he would not cooperate where he could not, Hashimoto said that, as Ota spoke English, he could tell Mondale that himself.
A few minutes later, the governor received a call from Mondale and merely thanked him for agreeing to return Futenma. Afterward, Hashimoto and Mondale announced the agreement, unaware they'd begun a process that more than 13 years later remains unresolved and is now a full-blown bilateral political snafu.
The saga of Futenma is one of misunderstandings, poor communication, bureaucratic rivalries, opportunistic politicians and business leaders, indifferent central government bureaucrats and deep opposition among Okinawans, critics say. In addition, arrogance on the part of U.S. officials, especially former U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, the architect of a 2006 agreement, has been blamed by many Okinawans and Americans for making a bad problem worse.
To break the impasse, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has floated the idea of integrating Futenma into Kadena Air Base in central Okinawa instead of straddling a cape near Nago. But the idea is nothing new.
It was, in fact, originally suggested by Japan back in 1996 during negotiations with the U.S, while the Americans offered unused land within the Kadena Ammunition Storage Area. Both ideas were nixed when the U.S. side opposed relocating to Kadena Air Base due to operational and safety concerns, as well as the bureaucratic rivalries between the air force at Kadena and the marines at Futenma.
Residents living near the base and munitions area also vigorously opposed the plans. After the prefectural assembly passed a resolution later in 1996 opposing Futenma's relocation within the prefecture, Kadena was no longer an option.
Other alternatives surfaced during bilateral negotiations in the mid-1990s. One was to fill in a sea area west of the city of Urasoe, south of Futenma. It was close to Camp Zukeran, where many marines live, and the waters were shallow.
The U.S., however, objected, saying that because it was on Okinawa's western coast, it couldn't easily be defended. Nakagusuku Bay, off the marines' White Beach Training Area, was also considered, but Ota opposed that plan, saying it would interfere with commercial development plans.
But Camp Schwab, farther north on Okinawa Island, was mentioned by both the U.S. and Japan as a possible location.
By November 1996, the sea off Camp Schwab emerged as a preferred location, even though Nago passed a unanimous resolution opposing an offshore airstrip. A month later, the U.S. and Japan released a "final" report that called for pursuing a sea-based facility to absorb the operational functions of Futenma, construction of a 1,300-meter runway, and for the current Futenma facility to be returned by 2003 at the latest.
The report did not specify an exact location for a replacement facility but said it was to be located off the east coast of Okinawa, so Nago was clearly in the running.
Despite considerable opposition, many Nago businesspeople favored the project. They presented their own plan, which called for a heliport to be built on reclaimed land with more local workers and participation by local construction firms. This, they told Tokyo, was the only way to overcome the opposition.
Nago seemed to be the best option for the U.S. and Japan, but local politicians in Okinawa fiercely opposed the move.
A nonbinding plebiscite was held in December 1997 in which 52 percent of Nago voters said no to an offshore heliport. Three days later, Nago's mayor met Hashimoto, told him he was ignoring the plebiscite, accepted the heliport, and then announced he would step down.
Two months later, a candidate in favor of the heliport won the mayoral election by a mere 1,100 votes. But Okinawa Gov. Ota rejected the heliport, creating distrust in Tokyo and Washington and further straining relations between Okinawa and the central government. The governor has the authority to approve the land fill necessary for the heliport, and thus can halt the entire relocation plan.
Ota, however, was replaced in the 1998 election by Keiichi Inamine, who convinced voters he could break the impasse between Tokyo and Okinawa and bring economic prosperity if local firms benefited from the construction of the new facility and nearby residents were not affected by the noise.
Inamine proposed a facility to be shared by the U.S. military and commercial airlines and a 15-year time limit on the facility, both of which were opposed by the U.S.
Yet Washington understood Inamine was the only candidate who might get a replacement facility built. Then U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen gave Inamine's campaign a boost by saying the U.S. would review the heliport proposal if the central and prefectural governments agreed on an alternative.
Pressure from Tokyo and Washington on Inamine to fulfill the 1996 agreement grew after he took office. So he put together a study group of potential sites, although critics would later question just how serious he considered other locations. In September 1999, Inamine announced that the area off Nago was the best alternative.
As a carrot, the central and prefectural governments promised a ¥100 billion economic stimulus package for northern Okinawa Island. Not long afterward, Nago passed a resolution accepting a relocation facility, although what kind of facility would be built had not been decided.
Despite all of the political maneuvering and promises of money, opposition to relocation within the prefecture remained strong, and no further progress was made, creating concern in Washington when George W. Bush became president in 2000.
By 2003, the year by which Futenma was originally supposed to have been relocated, the U.S. Defense Department under Rumsfeld was drawing up plans for a major force realignment in Asia.
Negotiations between Japan and the U.S. eventually produced a comprehensive realignment agreement in 2006, the centerpiece of which was the relocation of Futenma to the cape near Nago in the Henoko district, where Camp Schwab is located, by 2014 in exchange for transferring 8,000 marines and their dependents, who at the time numbered around 9,000, to Guam.
To the shock and dismay of Okinawans, the agreement called for a previously unheard-of two runways in a V pattern and a facility to be built partially offshore but closer to land than the prefecture or Nago wanted. It would not be a joint civilian-military facility or have a time limit.
The plan was roundly criticized by all sectors of Okinawan society, while many marines on Okinawa privately said it was unworkable and simply stiffened local opposition.
Inamine was replaced by Hirokazu Nakaima in the November 2006 election. Nakaima campaigned by saying he opposed Tokyo's plans for the facility. But he later began qualifying his statements and by this fall had reversed his position completely, calling acceptance of the Henoko replacement facility inevitable.
Despite ongoing talks over the past three years and widespread local opposition to the Henoko plan, neither Tokyo nor Washington had offered any major concessions by the time the U.S. elected Barack Obama as president last November. Throughout the negotiation process, Washington had been dealing with a Liberal Democratic Party-ruled government in Tokyo. All of that changed in August.
Now, Washington faces resistance not only in Okinawa, where the prefectural assembly is in the hands of opponents belonging to the new force in power, the Democratic Party of Japan, but also among Diet members from Okinawa who are also calling for Futenma to be relocated outside of the prefecture.
In Tokyo, key DPJ figure Yukio Hatoyama told Okinawans in 2008 that he favored moving Futenma out of the prefecture. Now the prime minister, he has said that no decision on Futenma will be made before Obama arrives and that he wants to get the opinion of the Okinawan people on the issue.
But what Hatoyama may be trying to do now is to do away with the 13-year-old history of negotiations between the U.S., Japan and Okinawa, start from scratch and possibly come up with a new agreement in a couple of months, which critics say is impossible.
As Obama arrives in Japan, he finds no realistic alternatives on Futenma's relocation on the table, and growing warnings that Japan's relationship with the U.S. is now under pressure.
As one U.S. State Department official in Japan recently joked, Obama might show he's worthy of his recent Nobel Peace Prize by steering the Futenma issue to a successful conclusion, although successful for who remains an open question.
(C) All rights reserved
Afghan aid plan welcome: Clinton to Okada
The Japan Times: Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
SINGAPORE (Kyodo) Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton affirmed tieups Wednesday in the reconstruction of Afghanistan, with Clinton welcoming Japan's new aid plan for the country worth $5 billion.
Okada told reporters after meeting with Clinton in Singapore that the two also agreed to reach a bilateral conclusion on the relocation of a U.S. Marine Corps base in Okinawa "as quickly as possible" through a new ministerial-level working group set up Tuesday.
They were on the same page against North Korea's nuclear threat, as Clinton briefed Okada about a U.S. plan to send Stephen Bosworth, special representative for North Korean policy, to Pyongyang in the near future to pave the way for a resumption of the stalled six-party denuclearization talks.
The Okada-Clinton talks on the sidelines of a two-day Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum ministerial meeting through Thursday came a day after Japan decided to extend up to $5 billion, or about ¥450 billion, in civilian aid to Afghanistan over five years from 2009 as part of efforts to combat terrorism.
"We unveiled this policy because peace and stability in Afghanistan are extremely important to Japan," Okada said. "They are also important to the world as a whole."
Okada quoted Clinton as telling him that she "appreciates" Japan's new aid plan. Clinton also said she wants Japan to engage in close consultations with the United States when promoting specific aid projects so that funds provided by the two countries are used effectively.
As for the row over the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, Okinawa, Okada said he and Clinton agreed to reach a conclusion as quickly as possible.
Okada said he did not raise his proposal to consolidate Futenma's flight operations with the nearby U.S. Kadena Air Base because he believes the proposal will be discussed by the bilateral working group the two sides agreed to set up.
(C) All rights reserved
SINGAPORE (Kyodo) Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton affirmed tieups Wednesday in the reconstruction of Afghanistan, with Clinton welcoming Japan's new aid plan for the country worth $5 billion.
Okada told reporters after meeting with Clinton in Singapore that the two also agreed to reach a bilateral conclusion on the relocation of a U.S. Marine Corps base in Okinawa "as quickly as possible" through a new ministerial-level working group set up Tuesday.
They were on the same page against North Korea's nuclear threat, as Clinton briefed Okada about a U.S. plan to send Stephen Bosworth, special representative for North Korean policy, to Pyongyang in the near future to pave the way for a resumption of the stalled six-party denuclearization talks.
The Okada-Clinton talks on the sidelines of a two-day Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum ministerial meeting through Thursday came a day after Japan decided to extend up to $5 billion, or about ¥450 billion, in civilian aid to Afghanistan over five years from 2009 as part of efforts to combat terrorism.
"We unveiled this policy because peace and stability in Afghanistan are extremely important to Japan," Okada said. "They are also important to the world as a whole."
Okada quoted Clinton as telling him that she "appreciates" Japan's new aid plan. Clinton also said she wants Japan to engage in close consultations with the United States when promoting specific aid projects so that funds provided by the two countries are used effectively.
As for the row over the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, Okinawa, Okada said he and Clinton agreed to reach a conclusion as quickly as possible.
Okada said he did not raise his proposal to consolidate Futenma's flight operations with the nearby U.S. Kadena Air Base because he believes the proposal will be discussed by the bilateral working group the two sides agreed to set up.
(C) All rights reserved
20 years on the Imperial throne
Thursday, Nov. 12, 2009
EDITORIAL
20 years on the Imperial throne
The government-sponsored ceremony on Thursday (Nov. 12) to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the Emperor's enthronement serves as an occasion to express people's respect and affection not only for the Emperor but also for the Imperial couple and the rest of the Imperial family.
By ascending to the Chrysanthemum Throne on Jan. 7, 1989, just after the death of his father, the Emperor Showa, the Emperor became the first to do so under the postwar Constitution. Article 1 of that document says, "The Emperor shall be the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people with whom resides sovereign power."
In a Nov. 12, 1990, enthronement ceremony held inside the Imperial Palace, the Emperor declared his determination to uphold the Constitution: "I swear to fulfill the duties as the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people by always wishing for the happiness of the people and by abiding by the Constitution."
The Emperor and the Empress made it their goal to visit every prefecture to meet as many people as possible. Upon visiting Kagoshima Prefecture in November 2003, the Imperial couple accomplished their objective — some 15 years after the enthronement. Their trips always included visits to social welfare facilities, and they often met with victims of natural disasters. The Emperor once said, "To know the situation of the nation and the people and to share feelings with the people are important from my standpoint as the symbol of the state, and this is my joy."
The tragedy brought about by war never leaves the Emperor's mind. While he was the Crown Prince, he cited the following days as ones to remember: Aug. 6 and 9, 1945, the days of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; Aug. 15, 1945, the day of Japan's surrender; and June 23, 1945, the day when the Imperial Japanese armed forces ceased organized resistance in the Battle of Okinawa. It is said that the Emperor offers prayers on these days every year.
April 10 marked the 50th anniversary of the wedding of the Emperor and the Empress. We heartily wish the couple the best of health and happiness.
EDITORIAL
20 years on the Imperial throne
The government-sponsored ceremony on Thursday (Nov. 12) to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the Emperor's enthronement serves as an occasion to express people's respect and affection not only for the Emperor but also for the Imperial couple and the rest of the Imperial family.
By ascending to the Chrysanthemum Throne on Jan. 7, 1989, just after the death of his father, the Emperor Showa, the Emperor became the first to do so under the postwar Constitution. Article 1 of that document says, "The Emperor shall be the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people with whom resides sovereign power."
In a Nov. 12, 1990, enthronement ceremony held inside the Imperial Palace, the Emperor declared his determination to uphold the Constitution: "I swear to fulfill the duties as the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people by always wishing for the happiness of the people and by abiding by the Constitution."
The Emperor and the Empress made it their goal to visit every prefecture to meet as many people as possible. Upon visiting Kagoshima Prefecture in November 2003, the Imperial couple accomplished their objective — some 15 years after the enthronement. Their trips always included visits to social welfare facilities, and they often met with victims of natural disasters. The Emperor once said, "To know the situation of the nation and the people and to share feelings with the people are important from my standpoint as the symbol of the state, and this is my joy."
The tragedy brought about by war never leaves the Emperor's mind. While he was the Crown Prince, he cited the following days as ones to remember: Aug. 6 and 9, 1945, the days of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; Aug. 15, 1945, the day of Japan's surrender; and June 23, 1945, the day when the Imperial Japanese armed forces ceased organized resistance in the Battle of Okinawa. It is said that the Emperor offers prayers on these days every year.
April 10 marked the 50th anniversary of the wedding of the Emperor and the Empress. We heartily wish the couple the best of health and happiness.
An American In Japan, Investigating The 'Tokyo Vice'
November 9, 2009 - DAVE DAVIES, host:
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, senior writer for the Philadelphia Daily News, filling in for Terry Gross.
My guest Jake Adelstein has written a journalist's memoir unlike any I've ever read. He writes of covering extortion, murder and human trafficking in Japan and eventually getting his life threatened by a mob boss. What makes Adelstein's story unique is that he was an American reporting on crime and writing in Japanese for Japan's largest daily newspaper.
His book is an inside look at the crime beat in a country where murders are rare, but each is a huge story, where the police are professional, but need to be visited at home and plied with gifts and flattery for information, and where mob syndicates, the yakuza, are so entrenched, they have headquarters in office buildings and business cards for their members.
After writing for Japan's Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper for 12 years, Jake Adelstein was the chief investigator for a U.S. State Department-sponsored study of human trafficking in Japan. He now lives in the United States. His book is called �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan.� Well, Jake Adelstein, welcome to FRESH AIR.
Let's talk about organized crime in Japan. It seems, as I read the book, quite different from organized crime as we know it in the United States. For one thing, these guys carry business cards?
Mr. JAKE ADELSTEIN (Author, �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan�): Yes. I think in Japan, organized crime is very much out in the open. So since everyone in Japan carries business cards, it makes sense for organized crime members to carry business cards, as well.
DAVIES: Okay. That means that these have phone numbers and addresses and headquarters. I mean, what is the ostensible legal facade of these - I assume that the name is meant to mean a legitimate business. Or is it meant to understand something different?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: It's not meant to mean a legitimate business. The yakuza groups in Japan - and there are 22 that the government officially recognizes. It's a badge of honor, I guess, to be an officially-recognized crime group. Their legal status is like that of the Rotary Club or the Boy Scouts. In itself, they're not illegal. Their offices are well-known. For example, the Yamaguchi-gumi - which is the biggest organized crime group with 40,000 members, giving them about half of the market - their office and headquarters in Kobe is the size of a city block. You can see it from Google Earth. It's huge. It's walled in kind of with high fencing and security cameras.
Another faction of the Yamaguchi-gumi - and there are about 100 factions, you know, because it's a huge organization, kind of like a franchise - the Kodokai, which has their headquarters in Nagoya, which is where Toyota also has their headquarters. Their building is not only huge, it has a swimming pool and a gymnasium. You know, it's like a mini-world into itself.
DAVIES: And why would these organized crime organizations want their members to identify themselves?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Because it intimidates the hell out of people. When you see that business card of - let's say it's Yamaguchi-gumi or Sumiyoshi-kai or Inagawa-kai - your reaction is one of fear because you realize that behind that meishi is, you know, 10,000 to 40,000 very angry gangsters. So the power of that business card is immense.
DAVIES: And what goes on at this big headquarters? I mean, are there hundreds if clerical people who are not criminals who are doing regular old white collar work? Or�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, yeah. The Yamaguchi-gumi - which has been around for six generations, now - really sort of came to power after the Second World War, but (unintelligible) before that - consists of 40,000 members and about a hundred factions. And each faction runs a series of front companies, meaning companies that appear to be legitimate, but they're actually doing - well, are actually doing business, but using illegal means to facilitate that business, like construction companies or real estate companies, sometimes investment banks -well, investment firms rather than investment banks, auditing firms.
So at the headquarters, they're basically pooling all the money that comes in from the lower-ranking factions and businesses and distributing it for various criminal enterprises and things. They have a boiler room, allegedly, in the head office, where you have a bunch of people in front of, you know, computers trading stocks, seeing how the investments are doing.
DAVIES: What do mobsters in Japan look like? Is there a yakuza look?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Now years ago, like when I was starting as a reporter in 1993 -which is 16 years ago - yes, there was definitely a yakuza look. They tended to have these kind of strange perms called punch perms, with very tight little curls. Often wore - on their days off, they often wore, like, white sweat suits. You know, missing fingers was standard, and almost everyone who was a yakuza at the time had a whole body tattoo, meaning you could see the tattoos. You know, if they were wearing short sleeves, you could see the tattoos, or if they were - even when they're wearing suits, you could see the tattoo sort of poking out from under the shirt sleeves.
DAVIES: Is the whole body tattoo kind of an initiation ritual?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: The purpose of the whole body tattoo - the tattoos themselves are meaningless. There are certain motifs, like a bodhisattva, or a dragon, that are popular. The meaning of the tattoos is that there - well, there are three meanings. One is that by getting yourself tattooed fully, you sort of indicate that you have thrown away the civilian life and you're devoted to the organization. That is especially true when you have the organization emblem tattooed on your chest - not only have you thrown away your life as a civilian, but you are so committed to the organization now that you've branded yourself.
The other meaning of the tattoos is that, they're incredibly painful the way they were done traditionally. Literally, they take these hooks with a kind of a Japanese traditional ink and gouge it into the flesh so deeply that the flesh is actually raised on the areas where they're tattooed and the skin dies. The sweat cells die so that, you know, the people who have the whole body tattoos in the summer, if you touch the tattoo, it's clammy. It doesn't warm up.
DAVIES: Wow.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: And because it's so painful, when you see someone who's fully tattooed, the less skin they have showing, the tougher they are, the more they can endure. But the third thing is that tattoos are very expensive. So when someone has a beautiful, intensely deep tattoo, they're also saying I have lots of endurance and I have lots of money to spend on this tattoo.
DAVIES; And you said a number of them have missing fingers. Why?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, it goes back to samurai tradition, in the sense. When you've done something that goes against the organization - well, there are two kinds of reasons that people cut off their fingers. There's - the act itself is called is yubitsume, which is literally just sort of like condense the finger.
There are two reasons this happen. One is as that as a yakuza boss, one of your underlings has made a terrible mistake, and to take responsibility for that, you cut off a finger and give it to your boss as a sign of atonement. That is called iki yubi, like a living finger. When you screwed up and your only choices are by either being killed or being kicked out of the organization and you want to stay and you give up your finger, that is called shinu yubi, like a dead finger.
So it's much more noble to sacrifice your finger for the sake of one of your underlings than it is to sacrifice your finger for your own mistakes.
DAVIES: Wow. If you make multiple mistakes, can you lose more than one finger?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Oh, yes. I know a couple of yakuza who are missing, like, two fingers. If you, for example, make the terrible mistake of sleeping with the oyabun, that's the boss's wife or his mistress, then you have to take off a thumb. If you commit a crime against a child, let's say you rape a child or you molest a child and you're not killed outright, then they'll take your entire arm.
DAVIES: Do the yakuza see themselves as connected to the, you know, the samurai tradition in Japan?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. The yakuza portray themselves as a second police force that protects traditional Japanese values and the interest of the common citizens. They also sort of see themselves as a cheaper alternative to lawyers and a group capable of quickly resolving civil disputes.
DAVIES: If I were just an ordinary guy living in a Japanese city and sold insurance or something would I likely have contact with yakuza? Would I have access to them if I had a problem?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: You would likely have contact with them and have to debate whether you wanted to give these guys an insurance policy. And if you were in some kind of civil dispute and you want it resolved quickly, you might ask a friend of a friend until you got to the local yakuza office and asked them to solve it for you, unless you wanted to spend like two years in civil court trying to resolve it.
MARTIN: Hmm. And so how might I resolve this dispute with my neighbor over a fence or a fender bender? How might the yakuza help me?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: You might go to the local yakuza and say my neighbor won't take his fence off my property. It's intruding into my property, you know, it's an inch over and can you handle this for me? And the yakuza would say - they would name a price, you would pay the money, and then they would go intimidate your neighbor until he moved the fence.
Or if your neighbor owed you money and he didn't - and he hadn't paid it back to you, he would go there. He would talk to someone, a lower level yakuza who would look over your claim, decide how much you were owed and then tell you: We can get that money back for you but we'll have to take half as expenses and you would say fine.
Our guest is Jake Adelstein. He is a writer who worked as a crime reporter in Japan for many years. His new book is "Tokyo Vice." We'll talk some more after a break. This is FRESH AIR.
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DAVIES: If you're just joining us, our guest is Jake Adelstein. He's an American who spent many, many years as a newspaper reporter in Japan. He was fluent in Japanese and covered the crime beat. His new book is called "Tokyo Vice."
Now we've talked about how the Japanese mob or its organized crime syndicates are very different from those in the United States. They can exercise enormous brutality and yet they have, you know, lavish offices and business cards and operates in some respects as sort of an open part of Japanese society. Tell us about how the relationship between the police and organized crime is different in Japan than we might see in the United States.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Okay. I would definitely like to tell you about that. Before I do, I think I should add something about the modern yakuza because I think we've really discussed sort of the old style yakuza right now. They've moved into you know, all kinds of legitimate industries, industries you wouldn't expect the yakuza to be in. That includes: high finance, investments, mergers and acquisitions.
Last year, Lehman Brothers Japan, before they went under, lost $350 million in an incredibly complicated fraud that was initiated by people with yakuza connections. Citibank in Japan has been punished twice for having accounts with yakuza, or having accounts that were opened by yakuza in their bank. So they're definitely not the idiots and thugs that they used to be. They've graduated beyond gambling and prostitution and drug running. Now...
DAVIES: So they're now into derivatives?
(Soundbite of laughter)
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Now they're in derivatives. Yes. These guys are very very smart. I mean I've often characterized them as Goldman Sachs with guns but that's essentially how they work. They work like ordinary businessmen. They hire very bright people to work for them and they will negotiate very good deals. And if you won't make the deal with them, then they'll kill you or blackmail you or extort you until you do.
DAVIES: You know, I wanted to ask about how - the relationship between the police and organized crime. I mean you've described a situation in which you have these huge syndicates with thousands and thousands of members who make a fortune in illegal operations and yet have these, you know, huge headquarters which the police all know about and members who are so easily identified that they carry business cards. Isn't it easy for the cops to, you know, undertake surveillance and execute searches and subpoena documents and nail them?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: No. No. No. Absolutely not. The police are so handicapped by the Japanese laws that as one cop put it: Our job is to trim the branches. We're never allowed to get to the roots. There was a time when there was a cozy relationship between the police and the yakuza, in a sense that many police regard the yakuza as a necessary evil, a kind of second police force that keeps the entertainment district and the streets free from street crime by violently enforcing, you know, their own laws which would demand that if someone was like doing purse snatching or muggings in their area that the yakuza would beat the crap out of them. I mean that's a very effective way to keep people from doing purse snatching or mugging or street crime or even panhandling in the areas that they can control.
Those relationships aren't as cozy as they used to be. But from the police side, and I have many friends in the police force and they're very sincere in what they're trying to do, they're at a huge disadvantage compared like to say the FBI in the United States. First of all, wiretapping is not allowed except in extreme cases involving murder or a criminal conspiracy where hundreds of people can be injured. So in general, you can't permission to wiretap a yakuza office. The second thing is there's no plea bargaining in Japan. Plea bargaining was a huge tool in the hands of the FBI because they would get people at the bottom to rat out the people at the top. Well, there's no plea bargaining and there's no witness protection.
There's no real witness protection program, no witness relocation. So let's say you're Joe Yakuza at the very bottom. You get caught. The cops are pressuring you to finger someone above you so they can take down the organization. If you cooperate you won't get a lighter sentence. You'll probably be killed once you get out of jail. There's not a plus side. On the other hand, if you keep your mouth shut and serve your time on behalf of the organization, when you get out you will rise up the yakuza ranks and you'll get a bonus payment. That's how the yakuza make sure that investigations stop at the bottom and don't reach the top.
DAVIES: You know, in a situation where the police are ineffective at really taking down, you know, these organizations and in some cases, you know, stop by and have tea and sweets with them, one would imagine that the opportunities for corruption are rife. Did you get the sense that any of the police are on the yakuza's payroll?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: There's not a lot of corruption in the Japanese police force, surprisingly little. You tend to see a little bit more corruption in the vice areas because the sex laws and the adult entertainment laws in Japan are so nebulous that essentially it's pretty much on whim who gets prosecuted and who doesn't. So I can understand why vice cops would tend to be susceptible to bribes. The organized crime cops are generally very straight up. The white collar crime cops are generally uncorruptible. There's not as much corruption as you would think. Actually very little.
DAVIES: And I guess we should note that gun laws are very strict and murder is rare.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. Yes. Murder is very rare. You know, when it comes to yakuza and murder, I'm not sure how rare that is because when they dispose of a body, they usually throw it in the concrete foundation of a building that's going up. And since they own lots of construction companies, that's very easy for them to do. There are like - something like 10,000 people who disappear in Japan every year. If there's no body, of course, it's not counted as murder. So I'm not sure that the murder rates are as low as the Japanese government says they are.
DAVIES: So the sort of, I hate to use this expression, but the garden variety murder that we see so much of in the United States where, you know, a domestic argument or an armed robbery leads to gunfire and death. That so much you don't see. But organized crime...
Mr. ADELSTEIN: No. No. No. You don't see much of that.
DAVIES: Yeah.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: And the organized crime people don't - tend to try not to kill civilians. It's bad press.
DAVIES: Your story is really unusual. I mean you went to Japan, studied Japanese well, and managed to get a job working as a reporter for a Japanese-language newspaper. And, of course, you spent a lot of your time reporting on crime and a lot of that meant building relationships with police officers. And I found this just fascinating, having done some police reporting in the United States and known a lot of police reporters how different these kinds of relationships seem to be. One of the things you said was that you had learned early on, you would go to the homes of police officers and wait to chat with them as they got off work, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. That was very common. That was called (foreign language spoken), the evening rounds. That was something I did every day.
DAVIES: Yeah. You know, in United States, I think if an American - if a police detective came home and saw an American reporter hanging out at his driveway he would be very unnerved by it. It just doesn't happen here I don't think.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. I think that definitely would be - you might be shot actually as you're sitting in the driveway as an intruder.
(Soundbite of laughter)
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In Japan it was understood that that was part of what police reporters do and it's part of being a cop - at a certain level is that you had to put up with it. You didn't have to talk to the reporters but in many senses police expected you to do that.
DAVIES: And you brought gifts. And you know, one of the most wonderful examples - maybe you could tell the story of this detective named Sagiguchi(ph). Do I have the name right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Oh yeah, Sakiguchi.
DAVIES: Sakiguchi. Yeah. Who ended up being an important source in relationship with you. Tell us about the first time that you went to see him and the advice you had about how to make your entree.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, Sakiguchi-san actually turned out to be my mentor more than any other reporter. But the first time I went to see him I was working on this bizarre case about a dog breeder and his wife who were also serial killers. That's a very long story. But Sakiguchi-san was an organized crime control detective assigned to that case and I wanted to ask him some questions. So I went to his house which was all the way in northern Saitama, you know, in an area so undeveloped it's like, you know, at night it was pitch black. And I bought some ice cream on the way there because ice cream was a good way to get into the house on a summer day.
It works like this: You go to the house. You knock on the door, his wife and his two kids came outside and greeted me. But they wouldn't - but, you know, they asked Sakiguchi-san like, we - you know, there's this reporter the Yomiuri who would like to speak to you. Will you speak to him? And you know, I could hear from the back saying like no way. Send him away.
And I said well, you know, I brought this ice cream. It's going to melt in the car so please, take the ice cream because I'd hate to see it go to waste. So I handed the wife the ice cream and I started walking back towards the car, at which point, Sakiguchi-san came out and said well, you know, there's more than the three of us can eat and since you've come this far you might as well come in. I won't tell you anything but you're welcome to sit down.
DAVIES: That's the detective telling you this, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. That's the detective - Detective Sakiguchi.
DAVIES: And, of course, that began a long and, I know, important relationship for you as we read about in the book. But it's also just - it struck me how common it was for you and other reporters to give police detectives, you know, cartons of cigarettes, booze, in some cases take them to for a meal or a sex show. Again, in the United States cops aren't allowed to accept gifts like this. Is that just routine in Japan?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: This also relates to Japanese society in general. When you visit someone in Japan, especially the first time, you know, you're supposed to bring something. You're not supposed to come empty handed. It's considered very rude. The first time you got to someone's house - actually every time you go to someone's house you're suppose to bring something - a snack, a soft drink, some coffee, something to show that you are sorry, are appreciative of the fact that they are spending time with you.
So in that sense, you know, I'm just following natural rules of Japanese behavior. You're visiting someone's house. Therefore, the polite thing to do is to bring to eat or something to drink with you. Admittedly, that gets, you know, like comping them with tickets to the Yomiuri Giants games and those things, you're getting into a very gray area there. I never gave a cop money, you know, that was a total taboo. Other things that were probably worth money, yes, I gave them.
DAVIES: Jake Adelstein's book is called "Tokyo Vice." He'll back in the second half of the show.
I'm Dave Davies and this is FRESH AIR.
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DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, filling in for Terry Gross.
Back with Jake Adelstein. For 12 years, he was a journalistic curiosity in Japan - an American covering the crime beat, writing and reporting in Japanese for the country's largest daily paper. His book is an inside look at Japan's crime scene, dominated by mobs syndicates so powerful, they have headquarters and office buildings and business courage for their members. Adlestein's memoir is called, �Tokyo Vice.�
Fascinating stuff in this book about the sex industry in Japan, and you took an early tour through this red light district in Tokyo called Kabukicho, if - do I have the name right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes, that's correct. Kabukicho.
DAVIES: What are some of the differences between what's open - that is to say, out in the open, as opposed to secret and what's legal and what's illegal in Japan - in the Japan sexual, as opposed to what Americans are familiar with?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In Japan, basically, any sexual act besides actual intercourse can be offered as a service for money, excluding minors. Basically, any sexual act that you can possibly think of that does not involve actual intercourse is legal and can be offered and advertised as a service in Japan. That's how it works. In Kabukicho, in the old days, before government - the current governor decided that he was going to close down as many of those places as possible, it was very, very open. Even prostitution itself, while being illegal, has this stipulation that the - that except in rare cases, the prostitute and the customer can't be punished, that only the pimp can be punished or the brothel owner, if it's a kind of brothel setup. So, it exists in this grey zone where everything is pretty much legal.
DAVIES: And there were some fascinating specialties, like a place for people with trained fetishes.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Oh, yeah, yeah. There are two kinds of places with trained fetishes. They actually have a subway car that they rebuilt inside a building. There's one way where you can be a man going on the train and molest a woman, you know, while she's hanging from the straps, and be sexually serviced. And there's another kind, where the woman actually molests the man as he's hanging from the straps. Depending on how much you're willing to pay, you could have several women and actually men in there to make it more convincing. And, you know, of course, train sounds and all those things.
DAVIES: Wow. And in there are host and hostesses clubs, which you say are one of the most misunderstood aspects of Japan's adult entertainment industry. Tell us about that.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah, the - a host club - first of all - first, there were hostess clubs. A hostess club is essentially, you go into the club and you pay either by the hour or usually an hourly fee or a set fee, for a woman to sit next to you and pour your drinks and light your cigarettes and flirt with you as if you - and sometimes sing karaoke with you, as if she was your girlfriend. That's what happens at a hostess club. It's not about buying sex. It's about buying affection, the feeling, the girlfriend experience, if you will.
And host clubs, which have become thing in Japan in recent years, are the same things as hostess clubs, except women pay men to pretend that they're attracted to them, to dance with them, to pour their drinks, to light their cigarettes and to flirt with them. Sexual favors are not exchanged and, as matter of fact, if a host or hostess has sexual relations with a customer outside of the working hours, they're usually fired.
DAVIES: On a more serious note, I mean, you became aware of some women who are working in the sex industry who appeared not to be there of their own free will. There was human trafficking going on. How did it work in the cases that you found?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: You know, Japan is much better than it was at the time I starting writing about this, but essentially works like this: You bring foreign women into the country, often under false pretences that they would be working as hostesses or working as waitresses in a restaurant. You take away their passports, you put them in a room, you monitor their activities so that they can't leave, and then you take them to the clubs, where they have sexual relations with customers and aren't paid.
The women have no freedom of movement. They're told after they've slept with a customer or have been forced to sleep with a customer - sometimes they're raped first so that they would get used to the job - that if they go to police, since they're in Japan illegally, that they will simply be deported and that they will stay owe money for their travel expenses to Japan.
And very often, these traffickers would have agents within the countries where they were recruiting these women, which are often Eastern Europe, and contact the families of the woman, you know, under various pretexts to let the woman know that, yes, if they disobeyed or did something in Japan or ran away, that their families back home would be menaced or killed.
DAVIES: You worked really hard to develop sources and get enough on the record to write a story about this going on and identify some - a couple of the people that were operating these human trafficking sex joints. What was the reaction among the police and other authorities when you exposed this?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: The reaction was that they asked me to introduce some of the women who were victims to them so that they could arrest them and have a pretext to raid these clubs. An officer there I really liked a lot named Edda-san(ph) said I'd love to put these places out of business, but you have to understand that these women, while they are victims, that we can't protect them. We have to prosecute them under Japanese law. There is no provision in the law that allows us to keep these women in the country while we do the investigation.
So, I could do the investigation, I could put these people out of business. But in order to do that, I'm going to have to have you put me in contact with some of the women, and I'm not going to be able to take a statement without them -from them without arresting them. And which - I couldn't do that. I went to another division of the police department and asked them, you know, like, can you do anything about that? And they said, we could do something about it, but first of all, we don't have enough people who speak foreign languages to a do a very competent investigation right now. And we've got a lot of other things on our plate. While your article is good, it's not something that's immediately actionable for us.
DAVIES: Which was enormously frustrating to you.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: It was enormously frustrating. And what I realized, of course, was that, you know, while the cops had problems with this and would like to do the investigations and put these people out of business, that essentially the law didn't let them do it.
DAVIES: So, what did you�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: That's why I began writing about the flaws in the law and the whole legal system. And I also began taking, you know, studies and information in cases that I had written up as reporter and taking them to the U.S. State Department representative at the embassy in Tokyo.
DAVIES: Yeah, and in effect, by embarrassing the government, you were able to get some reform?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. I'm not going to take - I can't take total credit. I would like to take some credit for supplying the U.S. government with enough information that they could embarrass Japan enough that Japan felt compelled, to actually put some laws on the books that made trafficking harder to do. One of the things I was most proud of was the International Labor Organization did a very scathing study of human trafficking problems in Japan, pointing out the victims weren't protected. The traffickers were lightly punished, fined and rarely did jail time, which the Japanese government - who sponsored the study -told them, never release.
I was able to get a copy of that report and put it on the front page of our newspaper as a scoop while the Japanese government was still getting ready to announce their plan of action. And I think that had a very positive affect on making them put together a plan that was actually effective.
DAVIES: Our guest is Jake Adelstein. His new book is called, �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan.� We'll talk more after a short break. This is FRESH AIR.
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DAVIES: If you're just joining us, our guest is writer Jake Adelstein. He worked for many years in Japan, where he was fluid in Japanese and actually worked as a crime reporter for the Japanese newspapers there. His new book is called, �Tokyo Vice.� You know, time is limited, so I wanted to get to the circumstance that allowed - that prompted you to leave Japan in the first place and for you to get, well, threatened with murder by the yakuza. What did you do that got them to the point where you seemed a mortal threat to them?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, I had problems and issues with one particular yakuza boss named Goto Tadamasa, head of the Goto-gumi. Goto-gumi has about - had at its peak about 950 members. And Goto is famous as the yakuza boss who was parodied in a film by Itami Juzo in 1992 called �Minbo no onna.� And he was so offended by that film, which made the yakuza look like the extorting, money grubbing thugs that they are, that five of his people went to the director's house and slashed him up in broad daylight several times and put him in the hospital for three weeks. That's Goto Tadamasa.
I stumbled upon this story about how he had gone to UCLA in the year 2000 and gotten a liver transplant. And he had gotten into the United States by making a deal with the FBI in which he had proffered information about yakuza activities in the United States, including their financial institutions and the names of their major front companies in the U.S. and their bosses, you know, and their dates of birth.
DAVIES: And when you got this information, you had an extraordinary visit from somebody from his organization. Tell us about that.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. I was - started to make enquiries in the United States as to how this had happened. This was in 2005. I didn't know about the FBI involvement. And I didn't know - you know, I didn't know how Goto Tadamasa had gotten into the United States. I knew that he'd gotten in. I knew that he'd gotten a liver transplant in UCLA, and I knew the name of the surgeon. But I still couldn't figure out how he could have done it because the guy is black listed, right? You know, everyone knows that this is a yakuza gangster. Really, I couldn't visualize any way for him getting into the country other than bribing someone on the U.S. government side or on the Japanese government side.
I made a couple of enquiries, then I got a phone call one day from someone connected to the Goto-gumi. And the phone call was essentially, you've made the old man very angry. You have three hours to show up at this meeting at the Shinjuku Keio Plaza Hotel. And I said, well what if I don't show up? And the answer was, well, you'll be dead by the weekend. So, I decided I would take that meeting. And I called up Sekiguchi-san in Saitama, and he came up. And the two of us�
DAVIES: That's your friend, the detective, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: That's my friend, the detective.
DAVIES: Right.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Like, you know, my surrogate dad. And we sat down at this, you know, table in the Keio Plaza Hotel, and basically the representatives of the Goto-gumi made me an offer that I didn't think about refusing, which was to back down on this story. And they made the offer in the wonderful way that you can do things in Japanese where it's very hard to say you've been threatened.
DAVIES: What was said between you?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Literally, they said, you know, (foreign language spoken). And, literally, that could mean, you know, erase the article or something will be erased. And there is a family that exists. Now my interpretation of that was, you either erase the article or I'll erase you and your family. But if you follow the Japanese as it's said, it could be translated 10 different ways. And there's in no way to say that, you know, does erase means kill? Who will do the erasing? Is it a threat? And, probably, it wouldn't stand up as a threat. I mean, if there's anyone who is skilled at extorting and threatening people without violating the law, it's the yakuza. I mean, that's their bread and butter.
DAVIES: And, of course, this was said in the presence of a police detective, who was there as your friend and advisor.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes, yes. They didn't have any qualms about doing that. The one thing they did that was smart is they didn't put down their business cards. We put down ours. They didn't put down theirs. They pointed to this little, you know, this label on their lapel, which indicated they were members of the Yamaguchi-gumi. Even then, it's, you know, if I had filed the criminal complaint, it probably wouldn't have been accepted because I couldn't prove that I'd been threatened.
DAVIES: And it was a big decision for you. What course did you take?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, Sekiguchi-san's advice was that I didn't know what I was doing, that I should be grateful that they didn't know how much I didn't know, and that for the time being, I should back down and wait until I had more information before I wrote it up or even probe deeper. So his advice was, you know, if you're going to fight these guys, you need to pull back until you're ready-at-arms to do it right. And so I took his advice and I said all right, I won't write up this article. It's a done deal.
DAVIES: And it wasn't just that you killed one story, I mean, at this point, you'd been working as a reporter for more than a decade in Japan, you were married to Japanese wife and had two kids, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Right.
DAVIES: And you quit and moved back to United States, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. I mean, I was - in many ways and probably, I think I've tried to explain this in the book, but it doesn't come across right - is, I'd already decided that I wanted to leave the newspaper. The eighty hour work weeks, the fact that neither my kids could speak any English, coupled with the fact that my mother back in United States was in and out of the hospital, what we thought there might be something seriously wrong with her, you know, I was ready to leave the newspaper. And I had been discussing leaving the newspaper.
What I wanted was one last big scoop and I thought this is my big scoop, you know, Yakuza's boss goes to the United States, seemingly jumps ahead of everybody else to get a liver and comes back. I didn't know about the FBI involvement. If I knew about the FBI involvement in 2005, I probably would have been a little more prudent in approaching people related to the story.
DAVIES: And again, without going into all the details - people can read it in the book - you, after a period of time when you did some, you know, other investigative work on the State Department study of trafficking, you eventually did come back to the story of the crime boss and his trip to the United States for a liver transplant and got it all published. And�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: And it wasn't just him, it was three other Yakuza. I mean, three other Yakuza. Like a total of four Yakuza at UCLA getting liver transplants, which is just mind boggling.
DAVIES: And it - but it also got you back into the danger zone in Japan. I mean, you were, again, threatened numerous times - to the point where you were advised better to get it in the paper because then they have less to gain from killing you. Where do you stand today with these foes(ph)? Do you sleep comfortably at night?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: I sleep relatively comfortably. You know, Goto Tadamasa was kicked out of the Yamaguchi Gumi on October 14th, 2008, a very happy day for me. His organization has now been split into two different groups. He allegedly has become a Buddhist priest and is living a life of peace and harmony. I'm very dubious about that claims, but I'll give him the benefit of the doubt. He still has a hundred people working for him and he still apparently is involved in loan sharking and other things, but probably with a nice Buddhist tolerance in the background of that.
There is one other organized crime boss that I've alienated by writing his name in a Japanese book and naming as one of the four Yakuza who got a liver transplant, which seems to have implied that he also made a deal with the FBI. Once I can get that corrected, somewhere in print, in Japan, he probably won't want to kill me and maybe life will go back to normal.
DAVIES: Do you feel you have to take steps, now, for the safety of you and your family?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: I feel that my family, in the United States, is probably safe. I think we've all reached agreement that it's not proper or honorable to attack family members. That doesn't mean I'm off limits, but at least that means they're off limits. I've certainly had talks with people high up in the Yamaguchi Gumi and in the Matsuba-kai, and we've sort of reached an agreement that that's unacceptable and would be very bad press for everyone involved.
DAVIES: Right, as opposed to killing you�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: As opposed to killing me. I mean, you know, if I get killed, of course, I deserve it because, you know, I'm such a troublemaker. But, you know, family members aren't involved and that would be a bad thing in the Yakuza world.
DAVIES: I don't know if you're comfortable of talking about this, but what do you do to ensure your own safety?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In Japan, I have hired a ex-Yakuza crime boss to be my bodyguard. We go back about 16 years. I always check in with the police when I go there. I don't take public transportation anymore. I always move by car. I try and be fair in my reporting on organized crime in Japan, so that I don't alienate more people than I've already alienated. And that's about the best that I can do.
DAVIES: And in the States, are you comfortable?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In the States, I'm fairly comfortable. I think that - you know, you have to understand, from the Yakuza right now - they fear the United States putting pressure on Japan to get rid of their Yakuza problem, because the Japanese are very susceptible to pressure from the United States. And if anything were happened to me, I think that would be a good excuse for the United States to lean on Japan, to - you know, to outlaw, outright, organized crime groups in Japan. And no one in Japan wants that to happen. So, in many ways, I probably seem like a publicity hound, but in my case, the more public I am, the better chances I have of not being snuffed out.
DAVIES: Well, Jake Adelstein, I wish you safety and continued success.
(Soundbite of laughter)
DAVIES: Thanks so much for spending some time with us.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, thank you very much.
DAVIES: Jake Adelstein's memoir is called, �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan.�
Copyright ©2009 National Public Radio®. All rights reserved.
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, senior writer for the Philadelphia Daily News, filling in for Terry Gross.
My guest Jake Adelstein has written a journalist's memoir unlike any I've ever read. He writes of covering extortion, murder and human trafficking in Japan and eventually getting his life threatened by a mob boss. What makes Adelstein's story unique is that he was an American reporting on crime and writing in Japanese for Japan's largest daily newspaper.
His book is an inside look at the crime beat in a country where murders are rare, but each is a huge story, where the police are professional, but need to be visited at home and plied with gifts and flattery for information, and where mob syndicates, the yakuza, are so entrenched, they have headquarters in office buildings and business cards for their members.
After writing for Japan's Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper for 12 years, Jake Adelstein was the chief investigator for a U.S. State Department-sponsored study of human trafficking in Japan. He now lives in the United States. His book is called �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan.� Well, Jake Adelstein, welcome to FRESH AIR.
Let's talk about organized crime in Japan. It seems, as I read the book, quite different from organized crime as we know it in the United States. For one thing, these guys carry business cards?
Mr. JAKE ADELSTEIN (Author, �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan�): Yes. I think in Japan, organized crime is very much out in the open. So since everyone in Japan carries business cards, it makes sense for organized crime members to carry business cards, as well.
DAVIES: Okay. That means that these have phone numbers and addresses and headquarters. I mean, what is the ostensible legal facade of these - I assume that the name is meant to mean a legitimate business. Or is it meant to understand something different?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: It's not meant to mean a legitimate business. The yakuza groups in Japan - and there are 22 that the government officially recognizes. It's a badge of honor, I guess, to be an officially-recognized crime group. Their legal status is like that of the Rotary Club or the Boy Scouts. In itself, they're not illegal. Their offices are well-known. For example, the Yamaguchi-gumi - which is the biggest organized crime group with 40,000 members, giving them about half of the market - their office and headquarters in Kobe is the size of a city block. You can see it from Google Earth. It's huge. It's walled in kind of with high fencing and security cameras.
Another faction of the Yamaguchi-gumi - and there are about 100 factions, you know, because it's a huge organization, kind of like a franchise - the Kodokai, which has their headquarters in Nagoya, which is where Toyota also has their headquarters. Their building is not only huge, it has a swimming pool and a gymnasium. You know, it's like a mini-world into itself.
DAVIES: And why would these organized crime organizations want their members to identify themselves?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Because it intimidates the hell out of people. When you see that business card of - let's say it's Yamaguchi-gumi or Sumiyoshi-kai or Inagawa-kai - your reaction is one of fear because you realize that behind that meishi is, you know, 10,000 to 40,000 very angry gangsters. So the power of that business card is immense.
DAVIES: And what goes on at this big headquarters? I mean, are there hundreds if clerical people who are not criminals who are doing regular old white collar work? Or�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, yeah. The Yamaguchi-gumi - which has been around for six generations, now - really sort of came to power after the Second World War, but (unintelligible) before that - consists of 40,000 members and about a hundred factions. And each faction runs a series of front companies, meaning companies that appear to be legitimate, but they're actually doing - well, are actually doing business, but using illegal means to facilitate that business, like construction companies or real estate companies, sometimes investment banks -well, investment firms rather than investment banks, auditing firms.
So at the headquarters, they're basically pooling all the money that comes in from the lower-ranking factions and businesses and distributing it for various criminal enterprises and things. They have a boiler room, allegedly, in the head office, where you have a bunch of people in front of, you know, computers trading stocks, seeing how the investments are doing.
DAVIES: What do mobsters in Japan look like? Is there a yakuza look?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Now years ago, like when I was starting as a reporter in 1993 -which is 16 years ago - yes, there was definitely a yakuza look. They tended to have these kind of strange perms called punch perms, with very tight little curls. Often wore - on their days off, they often wore, like, white sweat suits. You know, missing fingers was standard, and almost everyone who was a yakuza at the time had a whole body tattoo, meaning you could see the tattoos. You know, if they were wearing short sleeves, you could see the tattoos, or if they were - even when they're wearing suits, you could see the tattoo sort of poking out from under the shirt sleeves.
DAVIES: Is the whole body tattoo kind of an initiation ritual?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: The purpose of the whole body tattoo - the tattoos themselves are meaningless. There are certain motifs, like a bodhisattva, or a dragon, that are popular. The meaning of the tattoos is that there - well, there are three meanings. One is that by getting yourself tattooed fully, you sort of indicate that you have thrown away the civilian life and you're devoted to the organization. That is especially true when you have the organization emblem tattooed on your chest - not only have you thrown away your life as a civilian, but you are so committed to the organization now that you've branded yourself.
The other meaning of the tattoos is that, they're incredibly painful the way they were done traditionally. Literally, they take these hooks with a kind of a Japanese traditional ink and gouge it into the flesh so deeply that the flesh is actually raised on the areas where they're tattooed and the skin dies. The sweat cells die so that, you know, the people who have the whole body tattoos in the summer, if you touch the tattoo, it's clammy. It doesn't warm up.
DAVIES: Wow.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: And because it's so painful, when you see someone who's fully tattooed, the less skin they have showing, the tougher they are, the more they can endure. But the third thing is that tattoos are very expensive. So when someone has a beautiful, intensely deep tattoo, they're also saying I have lots of endurance and I have lots of money to spend on this tattoo.
DAVIES; And you said a number of them have missing fingers. Why?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, it goes back to samurai tradition, in the sense. When you've done something that goes against the organization - well, there are two kinds of reasons that people cut off their fingers. There's - the act itself is called is yubitsume, which is literally just sort of like condense the finger.
There are two reasons this happen. One is as that as a yakuza boss, one of your underlings has made a terrible mistake, and to take responsibility for that, you cut off a finger and give it to your boss as a sign of atonement. That is called iki yubi, like a living finger. When you screwed up and your only choices are by either being killed or being kicked out of the organization and you want to stay and you give up your finger, that is called shinu yubi, like a dead finger.
So it's much more noble to sacrifice your finger for the sake of one of your underlings than it is to sacrifice your finger for your own mistakes.
DAVIES: Wow. If you make multiple mistakes, can you lose more than one finger?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Oh, yes. I know a couple of yakuza who are missing, like, two fingers. If you, for example, make the terrible mistake of sleeping with the oyabun, that's the boss's wife or his mistress, then you have to take off a thumb. If you commit a crime against a child, let's say you rape a child or you molest a child and you're not killed outright, then they'll take your entire arm.
DAVIES: Do the yakuza see themselves as connected to the, you know, the samurai tradition in Japan?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. The yakuza portray themselves as a second police force that protects traditional Japanese values and the interest of the common citizens. They also sort of see themselves as a cheaper alternative to lawyers and a group capable of quickly resolving civil disputes.
DAVIES: If I were just an ordinary guy living in a Japanese city and sold insurance or something would I likely have contact with yakuza? Would I have access to them if I had a problem?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: You would likely have contact with them and have to debate whether you wanted to give these guys an insurance policy. And if you were in some kind of civil dispute and you want it resolved quickly, you might ask a friend of a friend until you got to the local yakuza office and asked them to solve it for you, unless you wanted to spend like two years in civil court trying to resolve it.
MARTIN: Hmm. And so how might I resolve this dispute with my neighbor over a fence or a fender bender? How might the yakuza help me?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: You might go to the local yakuza and say my neighbor won't take his fence off my property. It's intruding into my property, you know, it's an inch over and can you handle this for me? And the yakuza would say - they would name a price, you would pay the money, and then they would go intimidate your neighbor until he moved the fence.
Or if your neighbor owed you money and he didn't - and he hadn't paid it back to you, he would go there. He would talk to someone, a lower level yakuza who would look over your claim, decide how much you were owed and then tell you: We can get that money back for you but we'll have to take half as expenses and you would say fine.
Our guest is Jake Adelstein. He is a writer who worked as a crime reporter in Japan for many years. His new book is "Tokyo Vice." We'll talk some more after a break. This is FRESH AIR.
(Soundbite of music)
DAVIES: If you're just joining us, our guest is Jake Adelstein. He's an American who spent many, many years as a newspaper reporter in Japan. He was fluent in Japanese and covered the crime beat. His new book is called "Tokyo Vice."
Now we've talked about how the Japanese mob or its organized crime syndicates are very different from those in the United States. They can exercise enormous brutality and yet they have, you know, lavish offices and business cards and operates in some respects as sort of an open part of Japanese society. Tell us about how the relationship between the police and organized crime is different in Japan than we might see in the United States.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Okay. I would definitely like to tell you about that. Before I do, I think I should add something about the modern yakuza because I think we've really discussed sort of the old style yakuza right now. They've moved into you know, all kinds of legitimate industries, industries you wouldn't expect the yakuza to be in. That includes: high finance, investments, mergers and acquisitions.
Last year, Lehman Brothers Japan, before they went under, lost $350 million in an incredibly complicated fraud that was initiated by people with yakuza connections. Citibank in Japan has been punished twice for having accounts with yakuza, or having accounts that were opened by yakuza in their bank. So they're definitely not the idiots and thugs that they used to be. They've graduated beyond gambling and prostitution and drug running. Now...
DAVIES: So they're now into derivatives?
(Soundbite of laughter)
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Now they're in derivatives. Yes. These guys are very very smart. I mean I've often characterized them as Goldman Sachs with guns but that's essentially how they work. They work like ordinary businessmen. They hire very bright people to work for them and they will negotiate very good deals. And if you won't make the deal with them, then they'll kill you or blackmail you or extort you until you do.
DAVIES: You know, I wanted to ask about how - the relationship between the police and organized crime. I mean you've described a situation in which you have these huge syndicates with thousands and thousands of members who make a fortune in illegal operations and yet have these, you know, huge headquarters which the police all know about and members who are so easily identified that they carry business cards. Isn't it easy for the cops to, you know, undertake surveillance and execute searches and subpoena documents and nail them?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: No. No. No. Absolutely not. The police are so handicapped by the Japanese laws that as one cop put it: Our job is to trim the branches. We're never allowed to get to the roots. There was a time when there was a cozy relationship between the police and the yakuza, in a sense that many police regard the yakuza as a necessary evil, a kind of second police force that keeps the entertainment district and the streets free from street crime by violently enforcing, you know, their own laws which would demand that if someone was like doing purse snatching or muggings in their area that the yakuza would beat the crap out of them. I mean that's a very effective way to keep people from doing purse snatching or mugging or street crime or even panhandling in the areas that they can control.
Those relationships aren't as cozy as they used to be. But from the police side, and I have many friends in the police force and they're very sincere in what they're trying to do, they're at a huge disadvantage compared like to say the FBI in the United States. First of all, wiretapping is not allowed except in extreme cases involving murder or a criminal conspiracy where hundreds of people can be injured. So in general, you can't permission to wiretap a yakuza office. The second thing is there's no plea bargaining in Japan. Plea bargaining was a huge tool in the hands of the FBI because they would get people at the bottom to rat out the people at the top. Well, there's no plea bargaining and there's no witness protection.
There's no real witness protection program, no witness relocation. So let's say you're Joe Yakuza at the very bottom. You get caught. The cops are pressuring you to finger someone above you so they can take down the organization. If you cooperate you won't get a lighter sentence. You'll probably be killed once you get out of jail. There's not a plus side. On the other hand, if you keep your mouth shut and serve your time on behalf of the organization, when you get out you will rise up the yakuza ranks and you'll get a bonus payment. That's how the yakuza make sure that investigations stop at the bottom and don't reach the top.
DAVIES: You know, in a situation where the police are ineffective at really taking down, you know, these organizations and in some cases, you know, stop by and have tea and sweets with them, one would imagine that the opportunities for corruption are rife. Did you get the sense that any of the police are on the yakuza's payroll?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: There's not a lot of corruption in the Japanese police force, surprisingly little. You tend to see a little bit more corruption in the vice areas because the sex laws and the adult entertainment laws in Japan are so nebulous that essentially it's pretty much on whim who gets prosecuted and who doesn't. So I can understand why vice cops would tend to be susceptible to bribes. The organized crime cops are generally very straight up. The white collar crime cops are generally uncorruptible. There's not as much corruption as you would think. Actually very little.
DAVIES: And I guess we should note that gun laws are very strict and murder is rare.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. Yes. Murder is very rare. You know, when it comes to yakuza and murder, I'm not sure how rare that is because when they dispose of a body, they usually throw it in the concrete foundation of a building that's going up. And since they own lots of construction companies, that's very easy for them to do. There are like - something like 10,000 people who disappear in Japan every year. If there's no body, of course, it's not counted as murder. So I'm not sure that the murder rates are as low as the Japanese government says they are.
DAVIES: So the sort of, I hate to use this expression, but the garden variety murder that we see so much of in the United States where, you know, a domestic argument or an armed robbery leads to gunfire and death. That so much you don't see. But organized crime...
Mr. ADELSTEIN: No. No. No. You don't see much of that.
DAVIES: Yeah.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: And the organized crime people don't - tend to try not to kill civilians. It's bad press.
DAVIES: Your story is really unusual. I mean you went to Japan, studied Japanese well, and managed to get a job working as a reporter for a Japanese-language newspaper. And, of course, you spent a lot of your time reporting on crime and a lot of that meant building relationships with police officers. And I found this just fascinating, having done some police reporting in the United States and known a lot of police reporters how different these kinds of relationships seem to be. One of the things you said was that you had learned early on, you would go to the homes of police officers and wait to chat with them as they got off work, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. That was very common. That was called (foreign language spoken), the evening rounds. That was something I did every day.
DAVIES: Yeah. You know, in United States, I think if an American - if a police detective came home and saw an American reporter hanging out at his driveway he would be very unnerved by it. It just doesn't happen here I don't think.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. I think that definitely would be - you might be shot actually as you're sitting in the driveway as an intruder.
(Soundbite of laughter)
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In Japan it was understood that that was part of what police reporters do and it's part of being a cop - at a certain level is that you had to put up with it. You didn't have to talk to the reporters but in many senses police expected you to do that.
DAVIES: And you brought gifts. And you know, one of the most wonderful examples - maybe you could tell the story of this detective named Sagiguchi(ph). Do I have the name right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Oh yeah, Sakiguchi.
DAVIES: Sakiguchi. Yeah. Who ended up being an important source in relationship with you. Tell us about the first time that you went to see him and the advice you had about how to make your entree.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, Sakiguchi-san actually turned out to be my mentor more than any other reporter. But the first time I went to see him I was working on this bizarre case about a dog breeder and his wife who were also serial killers. That's a very long story. But Sakiguchi-san was an organized crime control detective assigned to that case and I wanted to ask him some questions. So I went to his house which was all the way in northern Saitama, you know, in an area so undeveloped it's like, you know, at night it was pitch black. And I bought some ice cream on the way there because ice cream was a good way to get into the house on a summer day.
It works like this: You go to the house. You knock on the door, his wife and his two kids came outside and greeted me. But they wouldn't - but, you know, they asked Sakiguchi-san like, we - you know, there's this reporter the Yomiuri who would like to speak to you. Will you speak to him? And you know, I could hear from the back saying like no way. Send him away.
And I said well, you know, I brought this ice cream. It's going to melt in the car so please, take the ice cream because I'd hate to see it go to waste. So I handed the wife the ice cream and I started walking back towards the car, at which point, Sakiguchi-san came out and said well, you know, there's more than the three of us can eat and since you've come this far you might as well come in. I won't tell you anything but you're welcome to sit down.
DAVIES: That's the detective telling you this, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. That's the detective - Detective Sakiguchi.
DAVIES: And, of course, that began a long and, I know, important relationship for you as we read about in the book. But it's also just - it struck me how common it was for you and other reporters to give police detectives, you know, cartons of cigarettes, booze, in some cases take them to for a meal or a sex show. Again, in the United States cops aren't allowed to accept gifts like this. Is that just routine in Japan?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: This also relates to Japanese society in general. When you visit someone in Japan, especially the first time, you know, you're supposed to bring something. You're not supposed to come empty handed. It's considered very rude. The first time you got to someone's house - actually every time you go to someone's house you're suppose to bring something - a snack, a soft drink, some coffee, something to show that you are sorry, are appreciative of the fact that they are spending time with you.
So in that sense, you know, I'm just following natural rules of Japanese behavior. You're visiting someone's house. Therefore, the polite thing to do is to bring to eat or something to drink with you. Admittedly, that gets, you know, like comping them with tickets to the Yomiuri Giants games and those things, you're getting into a very gray area there. I never gave a cop money, you know, that was a total taboo. Other things that were probably worth money, yes, I gave them.
DAVIES: Jake Adelstein's book is called "Tokyo Vice." He'll back in the second half of the show.
I'm Dave Davies and this is FRESH AIR.
(Soundbite of music)
DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, filling in for Terry Gross.
Back with Jake Adelstein. For 12 years, he was a journalistic curiosity in Japan - an American covering the crime beat, writing and reporting in Japanese for the country's largest daily paper. His book is an inside look at Japan's crime scene, dominated by mobs syndicates so powerful, they have headquarters and office buildings and business courage for their members. Adlestein's memoir is called, �Tokyo Vice.�
Fascinating stuff in this book about the sex industry in Japan, and you took an early tour through this red light district in Tokyo called Kabukicho, if - do I have the name right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes, that's correct. Kabukicho.
DAVIES: What are some of the differences between what's open - that is to say, out in the open, as opposed to secret and what's legal and what's illegal in Japan - in the Japan sexual, as opposed to what Americans are familiar with?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In Japan, basically, any sexual act besides actual intercourse can be offered as a service for money, excluding minors. Basically, any sexual act that you can possibly think of that does not involve actual intercourse is legal and can be offered and advertised as a service in Japan. That's how it works. In Kabukicho, in the old days, before government - the current governor decided that he was going to close down as many of those places as possible, it was very, very open. Even prostitution itself, while being illegal, has this stipulation that the - that except in rare cases, the prostitute and the customer can't be punished, that only the pimp can be punished or the brothel owner, if it's a kind of brothel setup. So, it exists in this grey zone where everything is pretty much legal.
DAVIES: And there were some fascinating specialties, like a place for people with trained fetishes.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Oh, yeah, yeah. There are two kinds of places with trained fetishes. They actually have a subway car that they rebuilt inside a building. There's one way where you can be a man going on the train and molest a woman, you know, while she's hanging from the straps, and be sexually serviced. And there's another kind, where the woman actually molests the man as he's hanging from the straps. Depending on how much you're willing to pay, you could have several women and actually men in there to make it more convincing. And, you know, of course, train sounds and all those things.
DAVIES: Wow. And in there are host and hostesses clubs, which you say are one of the most misunderstood aspects of Japan's adult entertainment industry. Tell us about that.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah, the - a host club - first of all - first, there were hostess clubs. A hostess club is essentially, you go into the club and you pay either by the hour or usually an hourly fee or a set fee, for a woman to sit next to you and pour your drinks and light your cigarettes and flirt with you as if you - and sometimes sing karaoke with you, as if she was your girlfriend. That's what happens at a hostess club. It's not about buying sex. It's about buying affection, the feeling, the girlfriend experience, if you will.
And host clubs, which have become thing in Japan in recent years, are the same things as hostess clubs, except women pay men to pretend that they're attracted to them, to dance with them, to pour their drinks, to light their cigarettes and to flirt with them. Sexual favors are not exchanged and, as matter of fact, if a host or hostess has sexual relations with a customer outside of the working hours, they're usually fired.
DAVIES: On a more serious note, I mean, you became aware of some women who are working in the sex industry who appeared not to be there of their own free will. There was human trafficking going on. How did it work in the cases that you found?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: You know, Japan is much better than it was at the time I starting writing about this, but essentially works like this: You bring foreign women into the country, often under false pretences that they would be working as hostesses or working as waitresses in a restaurant. You take away their passports, you put them in a room, you monitor their activities so that they can't leave, and then you take them to the clubs, where they have sexual relations with customers and aren't paid.
The women have no freedom of movement. They're told after they've slept with a customer or have been forced to sleep with a customer - sometimes they're raped first so that they would get used to the job - that if they go to police, since they're in Japan illegally, that they will simply be deported and that they will stay owe money for their travel expenses to Japan.
And very often, these traffickers would have agents within the countries where they were recruiting these women, which are often Eastern Europe, and contact the families of the woman, you know, under various pretexts to let the woman know that, yes, if they disobeyed or did something in Japan or ran away, that their families back home would be menaced or killed.
DAVIES: You worked really hard to develop sources and get enough on the record to write a story about this going on and identify some - a couple of the people that were operating these human trafficking sex joints. What was the reaction among the police and other authorities when you exposed this?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: The reaction was that they asked me to introduce some of the women who were victims to them so that they could arrest them and have a pretext to raid these clubs. An officer there I really liked a lot named Edda-san(ph) said I'd love to put these places out of business, but you have to understand that these women, while they are victims, that we can't protect them. We have to prosecute them under Japanese law. There is no provision in the law that allows us to keep these women in the country while we do the investigation.
So, I could do the investigation, I could put these people out of business. But in order to do that, I'm going to have to have you put me in contact with some of the women, and I'm not going to be able to take a statement without them -from them without arresting them. And which - I couldn't do that. I went to another division of the police department and asked them, you know, like, can you do anything about that? And they said, we could do something about it, but first of all, we don't have enough people who speak foreign languages to a do a very competent investigation right now. And we've got a lot of other things on our plate. While your article is good, it's not something that's immediately actionable for us.
DAVIES: Which was enormously frustrating to you.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: It was enormously frustrating. And what I realized, of course, was that, you know, while the cops had problems with this and would like to do the investigations and put these people out of business, that essentially the law didn't let them do it.
DAVIES: So, what did you�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: That's why I began writing about the flaws in the law and the whole legal system. And I also began taking, you know, studies and information in cases that I had written up as reporter and taking them to the U.S. State Department representative at the embassy in Tokyo.
DAVIES: Yeah, and in effect, by embarrassing the government, you were able to get some reform?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. I'm not going to take - I can't take total credit. I would like to take some credit for supplying the U.S. government with enough information that they could embarrass Japan enough that Japan felt compelled, to actually put some laws on the books that made trafficking harder to do. One of the things I was most proud of was the International Labor Organization did a very scathing study of human trafficking problems in Japan, pointing out the victims weren't protected. The traffickers were lightly punished, fined and rarely did jail time, which the Japanese government - who sponsored the study -told them, never release.
I was able to get a copy of that report and put it on the front page of our newspaper as a scoop while the Japanese government was still getting ready to announce their plan of action. And I think that had a very positive affect on making them put together a plan that was actually effective.
DAVIES: Our guest is Jake Adelstein. His new book is called, �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan.� We'll talk more after a short break. This is FRESH AIR.
(Soundbite of music)
DAVIES: If you're just joining us, our guest is writer Jake Adelstein. He worked for many years in Japan, where he was fluid in Japanese and actually worked as a crime reporter for the Japanese newspapers there. His new book is called, �Tokyo Vice.� You know, time is limited, so I wanted to get to the circumstance that allowed - that prompted you to leave Japan in the first place and for you to get, well, threatened with murder by the yakuza. What did you do that got them to the point where you seemed a mortal threat to them?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, I had problems and issues with one particular yakuza boss named Goto Tadamasa, head of the Goto-gumi. Goto-gumi has about - had at its peak about 950 members. And Goto is famous as the yakuza boss who was parodied in a film by Itami Juzo in 1992 called �Minbo no onna.� And he was so offended by that film, which made the yakuza look like the extorting, money grubbing thugs that they are, that five of his people went to the director's house and slashed him up in broad daylight several times and put him in the hospital for three weeks. That's Goto Tadamasa.
I stumbled upon this story about how he had gone to UCLA in the year 2000 and gotten a liver transplant. And he had gotten into the United States by making a deal with the FBI in which he had proffered information about yakuza activities in the United States, including their financial institutions and the names of their major front companies in the U.S. and their bosses, you know, and their dates of birth.
DAVIES: And when you got this information, you had an extraordinary visit from somebody from his organization. Tell us about that.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes. I was - started to make enquiries in the United States as to how this had happened. This was in 2005. I didn't know about the FBI involvement. And I didn't know - you know, I didn't know how Goto Tadamasa had gotten into the United States. I knew that he'd gotten in. I knew that he'd gotten a liver transplant in UCLA, and I knew the name of the surgeon. But I still couldn't figure out how he could have done it because the guy is black listed, right? You know, everyone knows that this is a yakuza gangster. Really, I couldn't visualize any way for him getting into the country other than bribing someone on the U.S. government side or on the Japanese government side.
I made a couple of enquiries, then I got a phone call one day from someone connected to the Goto-gumi. And the phone call was essentially, you've made the old man very angry. You have three hours to show up at this meeting at the Shinjuku Keio Plaza Hotel. And I said, well what if I don't show up? And the answer was, well, you'll be dead by the weekend. So, I decided I would take that meeting. And I called up Sekiguchi-san in Saitama, and he came up. And the two of us�
DAVIES: That's your friend, the detective, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: That's my friend, the detective.
DAVIES: Right.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Like, you know, my surrogate dad. And we sat down at this, you know, table in the Keio Plaza Hotel, and basically the representatives of the Goto-gumi made me an offer that I didn't think about refusing, which was to back down on this story. And they made the offer in the wonderful way that you can do things in Japanese where it's very hard to say you've been threatened.
DAVIES: What was said between you?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Literally, they said, you know, (foreign language spoken). And, literally, that could mean, you know, erase the article or something will be erased. And there is a family that exists. Now my interpretation of that was, you either erase the article or I'll erase you and your family. But if you follow the Japanese as it's said, it could be translated 10 different ways. And there's in no way to say that, you know, does erase means kill? Who will do the erasing? Is it a threat? And, probably, it wouldn't stand up as a threat. I mean, if there's anyone who is skilled at extorting and threatening people without violating the law, it's the yakuza. I mean, that's their bread and butter.
DAVIES: And, of course, this was said in the presence of a police detective, who was there as your friend and advisor.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yes, yes. They didn't have any qualms about doing that. The one thing they did that was smart is they didn't put down their business cards. We put down ours. They didn't put down theirs. They pointed to this little, you know, this label on their lapel, which indicated they were members of the Yamaguchi-gumi. Even then, it's, you know, if I had filed the criminal complaint, it probably wouldn't have been accepted because I couldn't prove that I'd been threatened.
DAVIES: And it was a big decision for you. What course did you take?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, Sekiguchi-san's advice was that I didn't know what I was doing, that I should be grateful that they didn't know how much I didn't know, and that for the time being, I should back down and wait until I had more information before I wrote it up or even probe deeper. So his advice was, you know, if you're going to fight these guys, you need to pull back until you're ready-at-arms to do it right. And so I took his advice and I said all right, I won't write up this article. It's a done deal.
DAVIES: And it wasn't just that you killed one story, I mean, at this point, you'd been working as a reporter for more than a decade in Japan, you were married to Japanese wife and had two kids, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Right.
DAVIES: And you quit and moved back to United States, right?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Yeah. I mean, I was - in many ways and probably, I think I've tried to explain this in the book, but it doesn't come across right - is, I'd already decided that I wanted to leave the newspaper. The eighty hour work weeks, the fact that neither my kids could speak any English, coupled with the fact that my mother back in United States was in and out of the hospital, what we thought there might be something seriously wrong with her, you know, I was ready to leave the newspaper. And I had been discussing leaving the newspaper.
What I wanted was one last big scoop and I thought this is my big scoop, you know, Yakuza's boss goes to the United States, seemingly jumps ahead of everybody else to get a liver and comes back. I didn't know about the FBI involvement. If I knew about the FBI involvement in 2005, I probably would have been a little more prudent in approaching people related to the story.
DAVIES: And again, without going into all the details - people can read it in the book - you, after a period of time when you did some, you know, other investigative work on the State Department study of trafficking, you eventually did come back to the story of the crime boss and his trip to the United States for a liver transplant and got it all published. And�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: And it wasn't just him, it was three other Yakuza. I mean, three other Yakuza. Like a total of four Yakuza at UCLA getting liver transplants, which is just mind boggling.
DAVIES: And it - but it also got you back into the danger zone in Japan. I mean, you were, again, threatened numerous times - to the point where you were advised better to get it in the paper because then they have less to gain from killing you. Where do you stand today with these foes(ph)? Do you sleep comfortably at night?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: I sleep relatively comfortably. You know, Goto Tadamasa was kicked out of the Yamaguchi Gumi on October 14th, 2008, a very happy day for me. His organization has now been split into two different groups. He allegedly has become a Buddhist priest and is living a life of peace and harmony. I'm very dubious about that claims, but I'll give him the benefit of the doubt. He still has a hundred people working for him and he still apparently is involved in loan sharking and other things, but probably with a nice Buddhist tolerance in the background of that.
There is one other organized crime boss that I've alienated by writing his name in a Japanese book and naming as one of the four Yakuza who got a liver transplant, which seems to have implied that he also made a deal with the FBI. Once I can get that corrected, somewhere in print, in Japan, he probably won't want to kill me and maybe life will go back to normal.
DAVIES: Do you feel you have to take steps, now, for the safety of you and your family?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: I feel that my family, in the United States, is probably safe. I think we've all reached agreement that it's not proper or honorable to attack family members. That doesn't mean I'm off limits, but at least that means they're off limits. I've certainly had talks with people high up in the Yamaguchi Gumi and in the Matsuba-kai, and we've sort of reached an agreement that that's unacceptable and would be very bad press for everyone involved.
DAVIES: Right, as opposed to killing you�
Mr. ADELSTEIN: As opposed to killing me. I mean, you know, if I get killed, of course, I deserve it because, you know, I'm such a troublemaker. But, you know, family members aren't involved and that would be a bad thing in the Yakuza world.
DAVIES: I don't know if you're comfortable of talking about this, but what do you do to ensure your own safety?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In Japan, I have hired a ex-Yakuza crime boss to be my bodyguard. We go back about 16 years. I always check in with the police when I go there. I don't take public transportation anymore. I always move by car. I try and be fair in my reporting on organized crime in Japan, so that I don't alienate more people than I've already alienated. And that's about the best that I can do.
DAVIES: And in the States, are you comfortable?
Mr. ADELSTEIN: In the States, I'm fairly comfortable. I think that - you know, you have to understand, from the Yakuza right now - they fear the United States putting pressure on Japan to get rid of their Yakuza problem, because the Japanese are very susceptible to pressure from the United States. And if anything were happened to me, I think that would be a good excuse for the United States to lean on Japan, to - you know, to outlaw, outright, organized crime groups in Japan. And no one in Japan wants that to happen. So, in many ways, I probably seem like a publicity hound, but in my case, the more public I am, the better chances I have of not being snuffed out.
DAVIES: Well, Jake Adelstein, I wish you safety and continued success.
(Soundbite of laughter)
DAVIES: Thanks so much for spending some time with us.
Mr. ADELSTEIN: Well, thank you very much.
DAVIES: Jake Adelstein's memoir is called, �Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan.�
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