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Tuesday, January 19, 2010

THE KOREAS: South Korea Warns North on a First Nuclear Strike

January 21, 2010

By CHOE SANG-HUN

SEOUL, South Korea — South Korea would launch a pre-emptive conventional strike against the North if there were clear indications of an impending nuclear attack, the South Korean defense minister said Wednesday in Seoul, even as both countries were holding talks about improvements at their jointly operated industrial park.

The comment by the defense minister, Kim Tae-young, reconfirmed the South Korean military’s stance on the possibility of a nuclear strike by the North, ministry officials said.

But it also marked another exchange of tough talk between two militaries.

Last Friday, North Korea’s National Defense Commission threatened a “holy war to blow away” the South, denouncing Seoul over unconfirmed news reports that the South has recently drawn up contingency plans for a potential collapse of the government in Pyongyang.

“A nuclear attack from the North would cause too much damage for us to react,” Mr. Kim said, speaking at a security seminar on Wednesday. “We must detect signs, and if there is a clear sign of attack, we must immediately strike. Unless it’s a case where we would sustain an attack but still could counterattack, we must strike first.”

Mr. Kim made a similar comment in 2008 when he was chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. North Korea responded at the time with threats of war, vowing to reduce the South to “ashes.” The Koreas are still technically at war because the 1950-3 Korean War ended with a truce and not a formal peace treaty.

Even without nuclear weapons, North Korea’s military remains a serious threat to the South. Seoul, the capital of South Korea and its largest city, is within range of North Korean rockets and artillery deployed along the border, just 30 miles away.

Within minutes of the start of a war, North Korean artillery would roll out of underground bunkers and rain shells on Seoul, wiping out much of the capital, according to South Korean officials and military analysts.

South Korea says it has no nuclear weapons on its territory, although both Seoul and Washington have emphasized that the United States keeps the South under its nuclear umbrella.

There was no immediate comment from the American military or the United States Embassy in Seoul about Mr. Kim’s comments. United States military officials and diplomats usually decline to comment on any potential military conflict with the North, except to say that the American and South Korean militaries remain at the ready.

Meanwhile, officials from both Koreas held a second day of talks on the future of their joint industrial complex at Kaesong, a North Korean border town north of Seoul. The officials were following up on fact-finding trips they made together to industrial parks in China and Vietnam in December.

During the talks, South Korea stressed the need for more efficient border crossings and customs clearance for South Koreans who travel to and from Kaesong. The meetings were “serious and practical,” said Chun Hae-sung, a spokesman for the South’s Unification Ministry.

About 110 South Korean factories employ 42,000 North Korean workers at Kaesong in a pilot project to combine South Korean capital with North Korean labor. But the future of the venture has been clouded by political tensions between the two sides.

The latest inter-Korean talks, which began Tuesday at Kaesong, came amid mixed signals from North Korea. Last weekend, the North threatened to break off all dialogue with Seoul and its state-run media showed the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-il, observing a military exercise . This came only days after the North proposed talks with the South on developing business, tourism and aid.

“North Korea is mixing dialogue with threats,” said Mr. Kim, the South Korean defense chief. “We must take a strong stance while keeping the window open for dialogue.”

Also on Wednesday, Wi Sung-lac, South Korea’s top negotiator on security issues on the Korean peninsula, left for the United States to meet with Stephen W. Bosworth, the American special envoy on North Korea. They were to discuss how to bring the North back to six-party talks on ending its nuclear weapons programs.

North Korea insists on the lifting of sanctions and the beginning of bilateral talks with the United States on a peace treaty before it decides to return to the six-party talks.

View Article in The New York Times

N. KOREA: Monitoring the effects of last month's currency re-denomination and foreign currency ban

Jan. 19, 2010 3:14 PM EST

By Choe Sang-Hun

Experts on the North Korean economy are closely monitoring the effects of last month's currency re-denomination and foreign currency ban, which have profound implications for the DPRK's political economy going forward. The most thorough study to emerge so far is "The Winter of their Discontent: Pyongyang Attacks the Market" by Marcus Noland (Peterson Institute for International Economics) and Stephan Haggard (UC San Diego). —John Delury, associate director of the Asia Society’s Center on U.S.-China Relations.

View Article in The New York Times

HONG KONG: Hong Kong's Chief Executive Rebukes Railway Protesters

JANUARY 18, 2010

By JONATHAN CHENG

HONG KONG—Hong Kong's top leader condemned protesters who clashed with riot police this weekend over a contentious proposal for a high-speed railway, accusing them of "irresponsible behavior" that violated "Hong Kong's core values."

In his first public remarks since the Saturday vote, Chief Executive Donald Tsang took an unusually tough line on the protesters, who he called "a small minority of people bent on disturbing public peace."

Mr. Tsang's harsh words are likely to further ratchet up tensions amid a growing debate over the political future of this Chinese special administrative region. Mr. Tsang is in the midst of pitching a major package of constitutional reforms that he says will move Hong Kong closer to eventual direct elections, but which his critics say is a dead end. Currently, Hong Kong elects its leaders through a system that reserves seats for business groups and other special interests and is heavily influenced by Beijing.

tsang

Hong Kong's Chief Executive Donald Tsang gestures during a question and answer session on the high-speed rail issue at Hong Kong's legislative chamber. Associated Press

China promised Hong Kong direct elections ahead of the former British colony's return to Chinese sovereignty but didn't specify when that would happen. Major disagreements over how and when to introduce direct elections have been a major source of friction in Hong Kong.

The fight over the railway became an unexpected flash point for larger questions about governance in Hong Kong. A vocal group of critics accusing officials of pushing it through the legislature without addressing public concerns, which include the displacement of a rural village and accusations that the project would benefit mainly large property developers.

Related

The anger boiled over on Saturday during a marathon two-day legislative session to approve funding for the railway, which would link Hong Kong with southern China. Opposition lawmakers turned to filibuster-style tactics in an attempt to delay the vote, while hundreds of protesters besieged Hong Kong's legislature, beating drums and chanting slogans. After the vote passed, protesters clashed with riot police bearing shields and pepper spray, paralyzing Hong Kong's downtown district, though only minor injuries were reported.

Protesters linked arms and lay on the surrounding streets to block Eva Cheng, the secretary for transport and housing who spearheaded the railway's passage through the legislature, from leaving. Just after midnight, Ms. Cheng was able to slip into a nearby subway station under the protection of a police guard.

Mr. Tsang said at a press conference Monday that the government "will absolutely not accept this kind of behavior," which he said hurt public order and drowned out reasonable debate. "The protesters must reflect on their actions," Mr. Tsang said.

Mr. Tsang said the government would quickly start construction, even in the face of continued criticism. He pledged to spend money as prudently as possible, and said officials would do a better job in seeking public opinion ahead of future public works projects.

In separate remarks, Ms. Cheng, the transport secretary, said she had considered coming out to meet protesters, but changed her mind after deciding that her appearance could "incite chaos." "Safety has to come first, " Ms. Cheng said.

Ambrose Lee, Hong Kong's secretary for security, called the protests "violent acts" that "violated our stability and law and order."

"The police have the will and the capability to maintain law and order and stability, and we will act strictly according to the law," Mr. Lee said.

Write to Jonathan Cheng at jonathan.cheng@wsj.com

View Article in The Wall Street Journal

JAPAN: Futenma issue is the litmus test for Japan-U.S. alliance: Hatoyama

(Mainichi Japan) January 19, 2010

Commander, U.S. 7th Fleet, Vice Adm. John Bird, center, Rear Adm. Richard Wren, commander, U.S. Naval Forces Japan, left, and Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Fleet Commander, Vice chief Adm. Masahiko Sugimoto salute during a ceremony marking the 50th anniversary of the signing of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty at the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force base in Yokosuka, west of Tokyo , Tuesday, Jan. 19, 2010.(AP Photo/Itsuo Inouye)

Commander, U.S. 7th Fleet, Vice Adm. John Bird, center, Rear Adm. Richard Wren, commander, U.S. Naval Forces Japan, left, and Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Fleet Commander, Vice chief Adm. Masahiko Sugimoto salute during a ceremony marking the 50th anniversary of the signing of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty at the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force base in Yokosuka, west of Tokyo , Tuesday, Jan. 19, 2010.(AP Photo/Itsuo Inouye)

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said the relocation of U.S. Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture is the litmus test for developing the Japan-U.S. alliance.

"It's impossible to develop the Japan-U.S. security arrangement into a reliable one without solving the Futenma issue. Whether we can solve the issue by May is a litmus test for that," Hatoyama told reporters on Monday.

He made the remarks prior to the 50th anniversary of the signing of the current Japan-U.S. Security Treaty on Tuesday.

The treaty, which stirred heated debate five decades ago, is now appreciated as the cornerstone of the Japan-U.S. alliance.

At the same time, however, the bilateral alliance has come to a crossroad as symbolized by the Futenma relocation issue.

Confusion over the issue is attributable to a disagreement between Tokyo and Washington over the balance of the benefits and burdens shared by the two countries, which is the basic principle of the alliance.

Such disagreement is seen in the two countries' nuclear policy. The Washington Times reported in its online edition on Jan. 7 that the U.S. compilation of the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) will be delayed by one month until March 1 because it is considering whether to declare that it will give up a pre-emptive nuclear attack option.

Consideration of no first-use of nuclear arms, which is regarded as the first step toward nuclear arms reductions, is believed to be linked to President Barack Obama's desire for a world without nuclear weapons.

At the same time, the U.S. protection of its allies with its nuclear umbrella is an important theme in the NPR.

In a speech he made in Tokyo last November, Obama said the United States will maintain its nuclear deterrence and commit itself to the defense of its allies including Japan.

Obama's stance has raised questions about how to keep consistency between his quest for a world without nuclear weapons and the maintenance of the nuclear umbrella.

Meanwhile, the Foreign Ministry has postponed until late February the compilation of a report on its investigations into Japan-U.S. secret pacts on the introduction of nuclear arms into Japan's territory.

If Tokyo officially admits the existence of the bilateral secret agreement that supported the nuclear umbrella, it will also call into question Japan's policy on the U.S.-led nuclear umbrella.

Click here for the original Japanese story

View Article in The Mainichi Daily News

CHINA: Ex-vp of top court is sentenced to life in prison for bribe-taking

2010-1-20 

By Wang Xiang    

A former top judge of the country was sentenced yesterday to life in prison on charges of bribery and graft.


Huang Songyou, 53-year old former vice president of China's Supreme People's Court, was convicted of abusing his post by taking more than 3.9 million yuan (US$574,000) in bribes from 2005 to 2008, said the Intermediate People's Court of Langfang City in north China's Hebei Province.


The court also ordered his personal property confiscated and his political rights revoked for life.


The court said Huang was given a severe punishment because he was a 30-year veteran in the legal system.

Huang, removed from his post on October 28, was the first chief judge and the highest ranking law official to be removed for law and discipline violations since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949.


Huang was also found guilty of embezzling, with others, 3.08 million yuan in 1997 when he was president of Zhanjiang Intermediate People's Court in south China's Guangdong Province. He took 1.2 million yuan from the graft.


The country's disciplinary authority said Huang led a lavish and decadent life.


He was labeled a "sex-hungry judge" who had a special interest in underage girls.


The court noted that Huang had voluntarily confessed to the crimes during investigation and most of the money he took had been retrieved.


"But as a chief justice, Huang knowingly violated the law by trading power for money and taking a hefty sum of bribes, which has produced a bad impact on the society, and should be punished severely," said the court verdict.


Long Zongzhi, the headmaster of South-West University of Political Science and Law, who represented Huang in the 10-hour trial on January 14, said they are yet to determine whether to appeal.
The punishment showcased the authority's determination to clamp down on corruption in judicial systems.


The Supreme People's Court issued a notice yesterday, demanding an educational campaign among judges with Huang's case as a "negative example" to draw lessons from, Xinhua news agency reported.


Judges should conduct in-depth analysis on the cause of Huang's corrupt conduct and find out their own problems to guard against risks of turning corrupt, the notice said.


The campaign, with a special focus on senior judges, will be concluded before the Spring Festival, which falls in mid February this year, according to the Xinhua report.

View Article in The Shanghai Daily

RUSSIA: Russia proposes new measures to boost birthrate

18:1219/01/2010

 Russia proposes new measures to boost birthrate

©  RIA Novosti.Sergey Venyavsky

Russia's government proposed new measures on Tuesday to fight low birthrate and a dwindling population that experts warn has endangered economic growth, the country's role in world affairs and possibly its territorial integrity.

Speaking at a session of the Presidential council on demographic policy, Health Minister Tatyana Golikova said 14-year-olds will undergo more intense medical checks at school starting next year, which could help reveal possible reproduction problems and start treatment on time.

"More intense medical examinations of teenagers are planned to start from 2011 with the goal of examining their reproductive function and recommending individual medical courses, which would identify and treat reproduction problems," Golikova said.

A recent United Nations report indicates that the Russian population will fall from 142 million in 2008 to 116 million by 2050 unless action is taken.

Russia has sought to take action against the decline, which has accelerated since the collapse of the Soviet Union and ensuing economic hardships, to keep the numbers at 142-143 million people by 2015 and ensure an increase to 145 million by 2025.

Golikova said infant mortality in the country declined 6.9% in January-November 2009 compared to the same period in 2008, and maternal mortality rate decreased 18.5% between 2005 and 2008, although the rates remain high in Chechnya and Dagestan, and some other regions.

However, she said illnesses among schoolchildren rose 9.3% in the past decade, with more than 20% of schoolchildren having chronic illnesses and over 50% of teenagers having health problems that could affect their reproduction ability in the future.

Golikova also highlighted growing alcohol consumption and smoking habits among children.

The opening of more family kindergartens and pre-school facilities will spur the birthrate by 4%-5% and create jobs, the minister said. Many women in Russia stay at home after the birth of a child because of the lack of quality daycare facilities and remain on maternity leave for up to three years.

Golikova said ahead of the session on Monday that the birthrate could rise by as much as 20-30% through reducing abortions, citing gloomy statistics for 2008 - 1,714 newborns against 1,234 abortions.

President Dmitry Medvedev, who oversaw ambitious welfare projects driven by a recent economic boom as first deputy premier, has spearheaded measures to support foster families, develop preschool education, and promote a healthy lifestyle.

Programs the government has launched to tackle the demographic crisis include incentive payments for second births.

Posters like those depicting a young woman with three babies and reading "Love for your nation starts with love for family" have been widespread.

MOSCOW, January 19 (RIA Novosti)

View Article in RIA Novosti

JAPAN: In Japan’s Scandals, a Clash of Old Order and New

January 20, 2010

By MARTIN FACKLER

TOKYO — It had all the trappings of a typical political scandal in a nation that has seen all too many of them: stacks of cash from construction companies, shady land deals and late-night arrests of grim-faced political aides widely seen as fall guys for their powerful bosses.

But the unfolding investigation into possible political finance irregularities by the kingpin of the governing party, Ichiro Ozawa, has also gripped Japan for a very different reason. It has turned into a public battle between the country’s brash new reformist leaders and one of the most powerful institutions of its entrenched postwar establishment: the Public Prosecutors Office.

In a sign of the changing times here, the standoff has brought an unusual outpouring of criticism not just of Mr. Ozawa but also of the enormous discretionary powers of the prosecutors, a small corps of elite investigators long cheered here as the scourge of corrupt business leaders and politicians.

It has also raised questions about whether the prosecutors have not also become defenders of something else: the nation’s stodgy status quo, the powerful and largely unaccountable bureaucracy that Mr. Ozawa’s Democratic Party has vowed to bring to heel after defeating the long-governing Liberal Democrats last summer.

“This scandal has put Japan’s democracy in danger,” said Nobuo Gohara, a former prosecutor who now teaches public policy at Meijo University. “This is the bureaucratic system striking back to protect itself from challengers, in this case elected leaders.”

The latest developments came over the weekend, when prosecutors arrested a Democratic lawmaker and two other former aides of Mr. Ozawa, a skilled but shadowy backroom political operator who was the architect of the Democrats’ historic election victory. It is the latest in a string of investigations by prosecutors into Democratic leaders, including one last month into misreported political funds of the new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, that have sapped public support for the fledgling government.

However, instead of meekly offering apologies, as many an accused politician has in the past, the Democrats are fighting back. At a party convention over the weekend in Tokyo, Mr. Ozawa called for “all-out confrontation” with the prosecutors.

“We absolutely cannot accept this way of doing things,” he told an applauding crowd. “If they can get away with this with impunity, the outlook is gloomy for Japanese democracy.”

More shocking for many here was support of Mr. Ozawa given by Mr. Hatoyama, who as prime minister has legal authority to exert political control over the prosecutors — a power that only one prime minister has ever exercised since World War II.

“I trust him. Please go ahead and fight” with the prosecutors, Mr. Hatoyama said.

Mr. Hatoyama later promised not to influence the investigation, which political experts say would almost certainly invite a severe public backlash. Still, his party’s resistance has helped encourage widespread criticism among scholars and some parts of the news media that the prosecutors are conducting a vendetta against the Democrats because of their promise to rein in the bureaucracy, of which the Prosecutors Office, an appendage of the Justice Ministry, is a potent part.

Mr. Gohara and other critics do not so much defend Mr. Ozawa, a master of the machine-style politics of the Liberal Democrats, as criticize what they see as the selective justice meted out by the prosecutors, who come down hard on challengers to Japan’s postwar establishment while showing leniency to insiders.

These suspicions have been brewing since early last year, when an earlier investigation into separate fund-raising irregularities forced Mr. Ozawa to resign as head of the Democrats on the eve of crucial national elections. Critics noted that prosecutors focused solely on Mr. Ozawa while declining to pursue Liberal Democratic lawmakers who were also named as taking money from the same company, Nishimatsu Construction.

Then came the second scandal, which broke about a month ago. Some political experts describe these repeated inquiries into Mr. Ozawa as signs the prosecutors are acting as a sort of immune system for Japan’s establishment, springing into action against a politician who they fear is accumulating excessive power with his near-total control of the governing party’s purse strings.

Others describe a decades-old feud going back to prosecutors’ arrest in the 1970s of Mr. Ozawa’s mentor from his days in the L.D.P., former Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, and say prosecutors fear Mr. Ozawa may be seeking the upper hand after he created a special party committee last year that called on the prime minister to exert more control over the prosecutors.

“The prosecutors fear Ozawa may be trying to turn Japan into his own private empire,” said Yoshiaki Kobayashi, a political scientist at Keio University.

The debate has focused unusual public scrutiny on Japan’s some 2,600 public prosecutors, who are a force unlike any in the justice systems of the United States and other Western democracies. The Prosecutors Office has the right not only to choose who to investigate and when, but to arrest and detain suspects for weeks before filing charges, in effect giving them powers of the police, attorneys general and even judges all rolled into one.

Prosecutors are traditionally drawn from the cream of young law students who have passed Japan’s demanding bar exams. They are known for lightning raids on the offices and homes of their suspects, with lines of stone-faced prosecutors in dark suits marching determinedly past a phalanx of reporters and photographers, tipped off about the raid minutes before.

Indeed, media experts say the prosecutors enjoy close ties with the major news media outlets, which has led to generally positive coverage of the investigation into Mr. Ozawa.

News reports have followed a predictable pattern of stories based on leaks from prosecutors with emerging details of the some $4 million that prosecutors believe he tried to hide by investing it in land in Tokyo. Just as predictably, this negative coverage has turned public opinion against Mr. Ozawa, with most people saying he has not adequately explained where the money came from.

Outraged, the Democrats have vowed to strike back by organizing a team of lawmakers to investigate the prosecutors’ use of leaks to sway coverage.

“This scandal shows how much the new administration is making waves,” said Mr. Gohara, the former prosecutor, “but also how the old system will fight back.”

View Article in The New York Times

CHINA: Will China Achieve Science Supremacy?

January 18, 2010, 6:45 pm

By THE EDITORS

A recent Times article described how China is stepping up efforts to lure home the top Chinese scholars who live and work abroad. The nation is already second only to the United States in the volume of scientific papers published, and it has, as Thomas Friedman pointed out, more students in technical colleges and universities than any other country.

But China’s drive to succeed in the sciences is also subjecting its research establishment to intense pressure and sharper scrutiny. And as the standoff last week between Google and China demonstrated, the government controls the give and take of information.

How likely is it that China will become the world’s leader in science and technology, and what are the impediments to creating a research climate that would allow scientists to thrive?


Hard Sciences Require Freedom, Too

Gordon G. Chang

Gordon G. Chang is the author of “The Coming Collapse of China” and a columnist at Forbes.com.

China’s one-party state cannot produce world-class historians, economists, political thinkers or even demographers. Beijing’s increasing demand for obedience smothers creativity in many of the social sciences and “soft” disciplines.

Wide swaths of biology, for instance, are considered sensitive because the regime promotes dubious racial theories.

But can the country nurture scientists, doctors and innovators of technology? Beijing is making a big effort to do so. Recently, many patriotic Chinese are returning to build their careers in hard sciences. Western analysts reason that the flow of talent must mean that China has turned a corner.

In one sense it has. China is an increasingly modern society, perhaps the world’s most dynamic nation. Yet its government remains largely unreformed, and important impediments to scientific advancement remain. First, there is the Communist Party’s orthodoxy. Wide swaths of biology, for instance, are considered sensitive because the regime promotes dubious theories of ethnicity and race.

Beijing, unfortunately, talks about the Hans as a majority grouping, but it is a made-to-order ethnicity with an important political purpose. Woe to the scientist who sets out to study China’s origins.

Second, Hu Jintao, the current supremo, has reinvigorated Marxist instruction in schools and universities. At the very least, incessant campaigns are a distraction from real research and study. Every month spent on understanding “the primary stage of socialism” or “the important thought of the Three Represents” is one fewer month devoted to the periodic table or sub-atomic particles. Of course, the new ideological indoctrination stifles free thinking across the board.

Third, China’s schools are deeply flawed. Plagiarism and corruption, for one thing, are rampant and probably getting worse.

In December, two university researchers were found to have faked data in 70 papers published in 2007. Incredibly, the pair received wide support across China as many argued that the country’s bureaucratic educational system encourages the forgery of data and the production of low-quality publications.

Such a system, it is safe to say, does not promote scientific breakthroughs.

Finally, it is ironic — and a bit sad — that Beijing is trying to encourage science while it is tightening censorship of media and the Internet, forcing Google out of the country by attempting to cripple its operations, and issuing rules that will cut off access to Web sites that have not registered with the authorities, potentially disconnecting China from the Internet.

Shutting off China from the world, which is the effect of many of the central government’s recent actions, is not going to help make the country a leader in science or technology.


A Climate for Misconduct

Cong Cao

Cong Cao is a researcher with the Neil D. Levin Graduate Institute of International Relations and Commerce at the State University of New York and the author of “China’s Scientific Elite” and “China’s Emerging Technological Edge: Assessing the Role of High-End Talent.”

China’s ambition to become an innovation-oriented nation by 2020 (as outlined in its Medium and Long-Term Plan for the Development of Science and Technology: 2006−2020), will be significantly impeded if it does not make effort eradicating misconduct in science.

The pressure for “visible” outcomes encourages academic fraud and corruption.

Recently, Lancet and Nature, two leading international science journals, published editorials commenting on a case in which scientists at Jinggangshan University in China were caught fabricating some 70 papers submitted to Acta Crystallographica Section E.

The case is just the tip of the iceberg of academic frauds in China. According to the China Association for Science and Technology, the Chinese equivalent to the American Association for the Advancement of Science, more than half of the Chinese scientists who responded to its recent survey indicated that they were aware of incidents of misconduct involving their colleagues.

The rising scientific misconduct in China can be attributed to several factors, including the pursuit of promotion and other material rewards, the lack of autonomy in the research community, and societal influences.

In China, academic credentials mean significant economic benefits and sometimes political opportunities. For instance, an elite membership in the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Engineering is a stepping-stone for controlling resources and for gaining material privileges equivalent to those of a vice governor. With so much emphasis on a higher professional title, no wonder some scientists have risked being caught for fraud.

The campaign for more international publications, especially in journals included in the Science Citation Index, a bibliometric database compiled by Thomson Reuters, has an unintended consequence — institutions of learning have placed more emphasis on quantity, and assessed, promoted and rewarded their scientists accordingly. When a scientist has difficulty fulfilling the required quantity for the position legitimately, he or she is likely to divide the research into “the least publishable unit,” or even take a detour.

Institutional expectations for Chinese scientists have mounted, especially when the Chinese government has in recent years significantly increased its investment in research and development. The pressure for “visible” outcomes or even a Nobel Prize in science in 20 years has further fueled this growing misconduct.

The institutional watchdog responsible for exposing, investigating and punishing deviance cases exits on paper only, largely because of the lack of the autonomy in the scientific community.

And it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to expose misconduct committed by high-profile scientists, because of the interference from both the involved people and the political leadership who make them pre-eminent in the first place.

Thus, those being punished are most likely small flies, while the big tigers are usually untouched, which has terrifying and lasting consequences.

Finally, China’s research community adapts to an environment in which the influence of commercialism has been powerful and the bureaucracy has become seriously corrupt. Therefore, it is hard to conclude whether the corruptive society has caused more frauds in science, or whether the misconduct in the scientific community happens to take place in a society experiencing problems amid dramatic changes.


Can Quantity Lead to Quality?

John Kao

John Kao, the chairman and founder of the Institute for Large Scale Innovation, has been an advisor to many organizations involved in developing innovation strategies and capabilities. A former Harvard Business School professor, he is the author of “Jamming” and “Innovation Nation.”

The drama of China’s continuing progress in the sciences will be based on its ability to translate quantity into quality.

China’s current practices of central planning reveal an industrial nostalgia rather than an ethos for innovation.

What does this mean? China is now pursuing what I call a “brute force” strategy in creating many new institutions of higher education that in turn will produce a large number of new scientists and engineers. The underlying assumption seems to be that quantity will lead to quality; in other words, world class achievement will emerge when the “installed base” of talent reaches a critical mass.

In this approach, the Chinese certainly have the law of large numbers on their side; the high end of the Chinese bell curve is a mountain of talented people. Thus, it seems inevitable that brute force quantity will eventually lead to “premium quality” measured in such terms as scientific breakthroughs and Nobel Prizes.

However, to attain quality, China will also have to master the skills of nurturing talent and supporting creative culture. China’s current practices of central planning and quotas for patents and publications reveal an industrial nostalgia rather than an innovation economy ethos that embraces creative leaps and serendipity.

There is also the question of whether China can create a comprehensive innovation system that marries its growing prowess in science and technology to related fields such as entrepreneurship, design and social innovation that are essential for realizing the value of scientific achievement.

Meanwhile, China continues to build its talent engine, and to the extent that it is perceived as a place for creating wealth, for finding academic opportunity as well as research funding, talent will flow there in increasing numbers. This blending of indigenous and imported talent will be another modality by which quantity is translated into quality within the Chinese system.


Many Reasons to Return

Vivek Wadhwa

Vivek Wadhwa is a visiting scholar at University of California, Berkeley, senior research associate at Harvard Law School and director of research at the Center for Entrepreneurship and Research Commercialization at Duke University. Follow him on Twitter at @vwadhwa.

When I joined Duke University’s Masters of Engineering Management program in 2005, nearly all of the graduating Chinese students told me they planned stay in the U.S. for at least a few years. Most said they wanted to make America their new home.

Anti-immigrant policies in the U.S. and a booming economy in China are causing highly skilled workers to go home.

Indeed, according to the National Science Foundation, “stay” rates for Chinese Ph.D.’s have hovered around 90 percent for the last two decades.

Now when I talk to my Chinese students, most are buying one-way tickets home. When my team at Duke, Berkeley and Harvard surveyed 229 students from China during October 2008, we found that only 10 percent wanted to stay permanently. Fifty-two percent believed that the best job opportunities were in China, and 74 percent thought the best days lay ahead for the Chinese economy.

Add to this the anti-immigrant hysteria which is building in the U.S. Senate (new legislation has been proposed to restrict visas for foreigners) and a booming economy in China, it is no wonder they’re headed home. There are no hard numbers available on the numbers of returnees to China, but anecdotal evidence indicates that tens of thousands have already returned and larger numbers will return home over the next few years.

When you visit the research labs of multinationals in China and meet local entrepreneurs, you notice that top positions are filled by returnees. They are bringing home valuable knowledge about Western markets and experience in creating innovative technologies. And they are telling their friends still in the U.S. how good things are back home.

In another survey of 637 returnees to China conducted from March to September 2008, we asked how they had fared since returning home. Seventy-two percent said they were doing better professionally. The percentage in senior management slots increased from 9 percent in the U.S. to 36 percent when they returned. Seventy-seven percent valued the opportunity to be back with their family and friends.

Everything wasn’t rosy: Returnees complained of pollution, reverse culture shock, inferior education for children, frustration with excessive bureaucracy and health-care quality.

The bottom line is that the U.S. is providing China a huge amount of foreign aid without even realizing it. We’re exporting engines of economic growth and helping them become our long-term competitors.


The Stem Cell Example

Jonathan Moreno

Jonathan Moreno is a professor of medical ethics, history and sociology of science at the University of Pennsylvania. He is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress.

Whether China can succeed in reversing the brain drain, especially in cutting edge areas like stem cell research, will depend on more than raw government investment in human capital like young scientists and material assets like labs. Although the centralized Chinese state has undeniable advantages, transparency remains the oxygen of efficient science.

The U.S. should emphasize scientific exchange through personal relationships.

Even before the recent dust-up between Google and the Chinese government, I found access to Web sites about such seemingly innocuous topics as U.S. research standards blocked during a recent visit to a Beijing campus.

Still more challenging for China will be to develop into a trusted player in the competitive and skeptical global community of life scientists. Investment in basic research lags well behind efforts to produce clinical applications. Private treatment centers offer dubious stem cells to desperate patients without adequate oversight.

But there is no denying that China is becoming an ever more important player in regenerative medicine.

A recent analysis by a group from the University of Toronto indicates that China published 20 times as many stem cell scientific papers in 2008 as it did in 2000. Chinese labs have produced at least 25 human embryonic stem cell lines and perhaps as many as 70.

The stem cell example is a window into Chinese advances in biology. China is now second in published papers on the biomedical sciences, according to a report released on Friday by the National Science Foundation. The U.S. lead is partly due to China’s decision to focus more on its chemical industry, but the long-term trend is clear.

In response, the Obama administration is working on new public-private partnerships in STEM education, has set a goal to raise R&D investment to 3 percent of gross domestic product (from 2.68 percent currently), and is developing a framework to revitalize U.S. manufacturing as part of an innovation-based economy.

In the short term, the U.S. should build on the advantages of an open society by emphasizing scientific exchange through personal relationships. Recent improvements in the visa system will help. In my experience, the new generation of Chinese scientists is intensely interested in intellectual property (though I’m not sure they appreciate the irony); we should invest in our patent system to ensure timely and valid awards. Our continued leadership in science might turn partly on these intangibles.


Strengths From the Top

Gang Xiao

Gang Xiao, a professor of physics and engineering, is the director of the Center for Nanoscience and Soft Matter at Brown University. He graduated from Nanjing University in China and has been a visiting professor at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.

China faces promise as well as challenges in its goal to becoming a leader in innovation. Its strengths derive from a strongly supportive central government while its weaknesses lie at the local levels.

The Chinese government is very adaptable to new ideas and practices that it deems necessary.

The government has the determination, plans and resources to recruit top talent. During the current economic downturn, a new initiative called “A Thousand-Person Plan” was formulated and implemented, to recruit thousands of Chinese scholars abroad in science, engineering and enterprises. These scholars can receive compensation equal to their salaries abroad, and significant amounts of research funding that often exceed what they may receive abroad.

China has the ability to achieve its goals because it has often done so once it determines that these objectives are imperative to its future. The government is very adaptable to new ideas and practices that it deems necessary. And when necessary, China is efficient in allocating resources and implementing effective policies.

In reality, obstacles abound. Scholars fresh from abroad can experience cultural shock in dealing with the established hierarchy in the research community, which is often based on seniority and closely knit networks. Subjective factors often trump objective standards in internal and local evaluation processes, resource allocation and grant application.

At the local government and university levels, the delivery of necessary services, support and promised share of funding may be delayed. The center’s goals have a small impact on the priorities of local officials preoccupied with a myriad of daily challenges. Accumulated frustration can discourage returning scientists from a long-term commitment.

Developing a research environment conductive to discovery and innovation also takes more than modern research facilities and money. Scholars need to be able to think independently, form collaboration networks without interference, and distribute and access information freely. The Internet is one of the most productive tools for scholars. Though the government has no intention to block Web access for scientific research, the lack of full Internet service will limit Chinese scientists’ research efforts.

To meet these challenges, China will increasingly need to use international scientists to provide objective assessment on scholars’ research, to provide more efficient local service to scientists, and to facilitate full Internet access.

View Article in The New York Times

S. KOREA: Universal Studios Plans $2.7B Korean Resort

01.19.10, 02:36 AM EST

By KELLY OLSEN, Associated Press

SEOUL, South Korea -- Developers of a Universal Studios theme park and resort in South Korea said Tuesday the project is slated to open in early 2014 after being delayed by the global financial crisis.

Plans for Universal Studios Korea Resort, billed as the largest such Universal project in Asia, were originally announced in May 2007 amid hopes it would be up and running in 2012.

Kim Moon-soo, governor of Gyeonggi province, where the resort is set to be built, blamed the worldwide financial meltdown for the delay, but said the large-scale project is back on track. Construction is scheduled to start at the beginning of next year, according to a release.

"Our Universal Studios in Korea is bigger than all the other studios combined," Kim said at a press event, referring to theme parks already operating in Orlando, Florida and Universal City, California in the United States, Osaka, Japan and another slated to open soon in Singapore.

"This will be a remarkable landmark in terms of tourism in Korea," he said.

A total of 15 partners are participating in the development, including South Korean conglomerate Lotte Group and builder Posco E&C. They signed a framework agreement Tuesday to raise capital for the 3 trillion won ($2.7 billion) project expected to attract 15 million visitors a year in South Korea and from abroad.

Kim said the project has the backing of South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, a former construction executive. He hinted, however, at frustration with the slowness of central government decision making and approvals for land and infrastructure issues.

"Singapore started one year ahead of us, but they are almost near completion so it's all coming down to speed now," he said.

The Singapore project will open during the first three months of this year, said Universal Parks & Resorts executive Peter Wong.

Developers expect the South Korean project to create at least 40,000 jobs, though Kim, the Gyeonggi governor, said the number would likely exceed 100,000.

The resort is to be built on a site in the city of Hwaseong, located south of Seoul and also close to the area's main international airport in Incheon. Nearly half of South Korea's population of about 50 million people are said to live within an hour's drive.

Developers have also placed great hope on attracting international visitors from increasingly affluent Asia, particularly nearby China.

Universal Parks & Resorts CEO Thomas L. Williams reiterated that theme Tuesday.

"The number of Asian international tourists is significant and growing," Williams said.

Besides the theme park, the project will include a water park, shopping center, hotels and a golf course and has renowned American director Steven Spielberg as creative consultant, Williams said.

"This kind of resort that can and will draw international visitors to South Korea is a sure thing," he said.

Williams, who declined to disclose how much Universal was investing in the South Korean project, said that plans for a theme park in Dubai were under "continuous review" with partners there.

"The impact of the recession has hit Dubai as it has everywhere else and so they're reconsidering their timeline," he told The Associated Press.

Universal Parks & Resorts is a division of General Electric Co.'s NBC Universal.

View Article in Forbes

JAPAN: Japan Airlines Files for Bankruptcy

Published: January 19, 2010

By HIROKO TABUCHI

TOKYO — Japan Airlines, the once-mighty flagship carrier and Asia’s biggest airline by revenue, filed for bankruptcy protection Tuesday, setting the stage for a state-led bailout that could bring sweeping changes to this busy corner of the global aviation market.

Junji Kurokawa/Associated Press

Japan Airlines President Haruka Nishimatsu bowed before a press conference where he announced his resignation in Tokyo on Tuesday.

Crippled by years of mismanagement and debts of more than ¥2 trillion, or $25 billion, JAL’s application marks the country’s largest-ever corporate failure outside the financial sector. Though JAL’s planes will keep flying, thanks to a ¥600 billion bailout and protection from creditors, its humbling is seen here as a reminder of how some of postwar Japan’s most prominent corporations have failed to keep up with rapid shifts in the world economy.

“Today marks the starting line for JAL’s revival. JAL lives on,” Transport Minister Seiji Maehara said after the carrier entered a court-led restructuring process, similar to the Chapter 11 filings in the United States that companies like Delta Air Lines and General Motors have undergone. Kazuo Inamori, founder of the electronics company Kyocera and a top management guru here, has been tapped as JAL’s new chief executive, replacing Haruka Nishimatsu, who resigned Tuesday.

The bankruptcy case could also herald an opening up of Japan’s rigid aviation sector.

Delta and American Airlines are vying for a stake in the troubled carrier, with an eye to strengthening their foothold in Japan and the rest of Asia. Though officials say an immediate cash infusion by a U.S. carrier is unlikely, JAL’s woes have provided a rare opportunity for outsiders to start to crack what has been for decades a highly protected industry.

Japanese officials scrambled Tuesday to contain the panic over JAL’s bankruptcy filing. Japanese diplomats have been mobilized in recent weeks to assure Tokyo’s business partners that JAL’s business would not be disrupted by a filing. Japan has also rushed to secure access to fuel to keep JAL’s planes flying. Reservations and frequent-flier mileage points will be honored, the company said.

“Japan Airlines provides the foundation of our country’s future development,” the government said in a statement. “Until its restructuring is complete, the Japanese government stands ready to offer JAL the assistance necessary to maintain stable and reliable operations.”

A year ago, a bankruptcy filing would have been unthinkable for JAL, whose logo of a crane with wings outstretched came to symbolize Japan’s rise as a modern industrial power.

Under the long-governing Liberal Democratic Party, JAL was propped up first as a state-owned airline and then, after the carrier’s privatization in 1987, with generous government bailouts. At the same time, the company was struggling to turn a profit amid intensifying global competition.

“The Japanese government has delayed dealing with JAL for too long,” said Motoshige Itoh, a professor of economics and an aviation expert at Tokyo University. “Responsibility for this outcome lies with JAL, as well as government officials who failed to take any meaningful action.”

Now, a new government in Tokyo has promised to make a break with the past. The Democratic Party, which swept to power in September, has criticized the previous government for pouring state funds into a carrier while allowing problems to fester: huge legacy costs, a bloated work force, mounting pension costs and an aging fleet.

JAL and its investors are being forced to pay the price. The Enterprise Turnaround Initiative Corp., a state-backed body tasked by the court with the carrier’s restructuring, plans to push JAL to eliminate 15,700 jobs — a third of its work force — and slash pension benefits. The body will also eliminate a fifth of its international routes, as well as unprofitable domestic destinations, and downsize its fleet.

Shareholders’ equity will be wiped out in a 100 percent capital reduction that will go toward paying off the airline’s debt. The company’s main creditor banks will be forced to write off as much as ¥350 billion in debt.

Taxpayers are also set to bear part of the burden. Under the turnaround plan, JAL will receive a ¥300 billion injection of public funds and further state-backed loans for another ¥300 billion.

JAL’s president, Mr. Nishimatsu, apologized to the nation on Tuesday, bowing deeply at a televised news conference in Tokyo. “The government, our banks, our investors and the general public has given JAL a final chance,” he said. “I believe JAL can once again become an airline that represents Japan.”

But rising fuel costs, intense price competition and hefty restructuring costs are expected to weigh on JAL’s bottom line, despite the fresh funds. The carrier is headed for its fourth net loss in five years, and last week, it drew on ¥145 billion in emergency funding from a credit line supplied by a state-owned bank.

JAL could emerge from bankruptcy as a smaller, more streamlined airline. Once the owner of the world's largest fleet of Boeing 747 jumbo jets and other big aircraft, JAL will switch to smaller regional jets for better footwork, said Akitoshi Nakamura, a former Citigroup banker at the state turnaround body who will lead the restructuring effort. The airline will also spin off at least a quarter of its 200 subsidiaries.

The carrier will seek to exit domestic routes the government has long forced JAL to serve, part of a longstanding effort to support regions outside the country’s main urban centers. Overseas, JAL intends to cover for the destinations it will no longer serve by bolstering cooperation with global airline alliances. The carrier said it aims for an operating profit of $115.7 billion by 2012.

Still, the turnaround body has asked the airline to hold off accepting investments from Delta or American for now, according to a person briefed on the matter.

Delta has offered JAL $500 million in equity, as well as a substantial increase in passengers and revenue from its SkyTeam alliance, while American has offered $1.4 billion for JAL to stay within its Oneworld group.

Accepting outside capital “would only lead to more stakeholders and complicate the restructuring process,” said the person, who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the news media. An investment from either of the carriers, preferably after a three-year limit set by the turnaround body for JAL’s restructuring, is still a possibility, he said.

Delta and American both reaffirmed their investment offers on Tuesday. “The bankruptcy will not affect JAL’s relationship with its Oneworld partners,” said Craig Kreeger, senior vice president at American.

“Delta went through a similar restucturing process, and as a result emerged in 2007 as one of the most financially sound and the world’s largest airlines,” Delta said in a statement.

JAL opened its first domestic routes in 1951 and expanded overseas just two years later with a flight linking Tokyo to San Francisco via Honolulu. By 1954, JAL had been entrusted with flying Emperor Hirohito across the country in the first flight for a reigning Japanese monarch.

The airline continued to grow rapidly together with the Japanese economy, and in Japan’s bubble economy of the 1980s helped bring the country’s package-tour travelers overseas.

But ambitious investments in overseas hotels and resorts during the bubble era, coupled with soaring costs and intense price competition with a rival, All Nippon Airlines, started to hurt JAL’s finances. More recently, JAL has suffered from a drop in travel because of the global economic crisis and swine flu epidemic.

JAL’s incoming president, Mr. Inamori, said he had hesitated to accept the post because of his advanced age and his inexperience in the airline industry.

“But I accepted, knowing that a revival will have great meaning for Japan’s economy as a whole,” he said in a statement. “I have no doubt JAL can be revived.”

View Article in The New York Times

S. KOREA: Seoul to develop new social cohesion index

Chairman Goh Kun (center) presides over the first meeting of the Presidential Commission on Social Cohesion yesterday. [Park Hyun-koo/The Korea Herald]

A newly launched presidential advisory group plans to develop a new indicator to measure progress in social cohesion this year.

The Presidential Commission on Social Cohesion also said it will push a national campaign to help revive forests in North Korea, as part of efforts to reconcile not only two Koreas but also conservatives and progressive in the south.

The panel, launched on Dec. 23, held its inaugural meeting to discuss its priorities and business plans for this year.

The commission is in charge of developing and coordinating programs to address social strains caused by income disparities, generational divides and ideological and regional conflicts.

The new index will gauge different social and economic factors affecting social cohesion and will be reflected by future policies, the commission said.

New methods to assess government policies' effects on social integration will also be developed, it said.

The 48-member commission chaired by former Prime Minister Goh Kun announced its 10 core projects for this year to mitigate disparities and bipolarization and make political and regional divides manageable.

The panel will push for a comprehensive study on a new future-oriented governance model for the nation, which overcomes limits of both the European welfare states and the Anglo-American neo-liberalism, it said.

The panel will provide a forum of both conservatives and progressives "to debate the future direction of state management which shifts away from confrontation and conflicts and promote competition and cooperation," it said.

The panel will also form a joint commission of various groups, from both left and right, to push for the reforestation project for North Korea.

According to the North's report in 2000, about 28 percent of its forests there were destroyed as of the late 1990s.

"We need projects that all the people, whether conservatives and progressives, can participate in together. Social cohesion will be get a boost while all the people join in planting trees in North Korea," Goh told reporters.

President Lee Myung-bak recently told officials to consider helping the North rehabilitate its forests as part of inter-Korean cooperation as well as his green growth strategy.

The panel's another priority work is the improvement of conflict-ridden urban redevelopment projects.

Five evictees and urban poor activists and one policeman were killed during a clash over redevelopment in Yongsan, Seoul, early last year. More conflicts are expected as a total of 736 projects are underway.

The commission will review current redevelopment methods and explore measures to prevent conflicts, it said.

Other important projects include enhancing sense of social responsibility among elites, combating poverty and wealth gaps, and reforming electoral systems to cope with regional antagonism.

It would also push for institutional measures and procedures to avoid and manage conflicts and promote a more harmonious family life and better accommodate immigrants and defectors from North Korea.

The panel consists of 16 government ministers and 32 civilian members from various sectors.

It will operate four subcommittees, each in charge of economic, ideological, regional and generational divides.

The commission will play a key role in pushing President Lee Myung-bak's policy initiative for improving welfare for the poor and forging political harmony and social cohesion, Cheong Wa Dae said.

Lee in August announced the plan to create the committee "to overcome divides and conflicts and realize a warm liberalism and a mature democracy."

(jjhwang@heraldm.com)

By Hwang Jang-jin

View Article in The Korea Herald

CHINA: Influence of Speculation on Chinese Foreign Reserves Is Downplayed

January 20, 2010

By REUTERS

BEIJING — An increase of $453 billion last year in China’s foreign exchange reserves partly reflected currency valuation effects and was not solely the result of inflows of speculative funds, the Chinese currency regulator said Tuesday.

In a statement on its Web site, the State Administration of Foreign Exchange rejected media reports that the difference between the funds from the Chinese trade surplus and foreign direct investment, on the one hand, and the total increase in reserves, on the other hand, had been caused by speculative “hot money.”

The agency said it had sufficient information to explain the gap last year of $167 billion.

“It is absolutely not right to do simple subtractions and declare that the gap is unexplainable, or even label it as hot money,” the agency said.

But it acknowledged that speculative money was entering China in the form of disguised trade and investment and that low interest rates in the United States were encouraging the flow of money into China.

For these reasons, the agency said, China needed to retain controls on capital flows, even though it reaffirmed the longstanding policy to move toward the full convertibility of the renminbi, and to give individuals and institutions in mainland China more opportunities to invest abroad.

Caijing Magazine, a Chinese business publication, reported Tuesday that Shanghai was considering allowing its residents to invest outside mainland China.

The Caijing report citing Fang Xinghai, head of the city’s financial services office, said the program would not limit investors to Hong Kong. The report did not provide details on the scope or timing of any such move.

The foreign exchange agency did not provide any information about the currency composition of China’s $2.4 trillion in foreign exchange reserves, the world’s largest stockpile.

Analysts said about two-thirds of the reserves are in dollars.

“We can’t release details of investment returns and currency changes, but we can use some relevant figures as references,” the Foreign Exchange agency said.

It cited the 8.5 percent fall in the dollar index in 2009 and data from the International Monetary Fund showing that nondollar assets accounted for about 40 percent of global foreign exchange reserves.

“The appreciation of nondollar currencies against the dollar in 2009 has definitely led to growth in outstanding foreign exchange reserves calculated in dollars,” the agency said.

Investment returns also increased the Chinese reserves, it said. As an example, it cited the annual average return of 4.8 percent in the Barclays Global Investors bond index from 2005 to 2009.

“People may estimate and calculate, based on the size of the forex reserves, how much the reserves can generate each year in way of returns,” the agency said.

Taiwan moved to rein in excess market liquidity by raising the rate at which banks borrow and lend to each other to an eight-month high Tuesday, pointing to a possible tightening in monetary policy, Reuters reported from Taipei.

Taiwan’s overnight lending rate was raised 0.01 percentage point to 0.12 percent, an official at Taiwan’s central bank said. The bank had typically made adjustments in the overnight rate of 0.001 percentage point since the middle of last year.

“It’s a revision, but not a very drastic one, because the overnight rate was so low anyway,” said the official, who asked not to be identified, as he was not authorized to speak to the news media.

Many policy makers in Asia, including Taiwan, have become increasingly worried about consumer prices and asset bubbles in property and share markets.

The Taiwanese dollar rose to 31.772 to the dollar, while the benchmark Taiex was down about 1 percent after the increase. Yields on benchmark 10-year Taiwanese government bonds rose.

View Reuters Article in The New York Times

CHINA: Chinese Attack On Google Seen As Cybertheft

January 18, 2010

by Tom Gjelten

The Google Chinese logo is displayed on a wall at the company's office in Shanghai.

Philippe Lopez/AFP/Getty Images

Google said last week that it had experienced "a highly sophisticated and targeted" cyber attack in China.

TRANSCRIPT:

Google's carefully worded announcement last week that it had experienced "a highly sophisticated and targeted" cyber attack in China caught the attention of both human rights advocates and industrial espionage experts, though for quite different reasons.

Activists focused on a Google statement that a "primary goal" of the attack had been to access the Gmail accounts of Chinese dissidents. Espionage experts, however, were drawn to Google's acknowledgement that the cyber attack "resulted in the theft of intellectual property."

Those words say a lot. "Intellectual property" means knowledge and ideas. It's what makes innovation possible, and it can include everything from secret formulas to computer source code. Google is among the most innovative companies on the planet, and someone in China has been stealing its secrets. Some China experts see this as the real story behind Google's threat to pull out of China.

"For Google to have made such a profound decision, to turn its back on the fastest growing economy in the world, it had to have been more than a bunch of dissident e-mail accounts," says James Mulvenon of the Defense Group consultancy.

A Race To Pass The West

Mulvenon and others see the cyber attack on Google and more than 30 other companies in the context of China's determination to catch up and pass its Western rivals, economically and militarily. Progress in this area, however, is constrained by China's authoritarian character, with a legal and economic environment that is not always conducive to creativity. It's hard to imagine a company like Google or Microsoft or Apple starting on its own in China.

Without sufficient incentives and resources to develop their own cutting edge technology, the Chinese may be tempted simply to acquire plans and ideas from the foreign companies that have already developed them.

"Western multinational companies are just finding it increasingly hard to do business in China, make profit in China, when facing a government that is so systematically trying to transfer innovation to China and using seemingly every tool at its disposal to do that," Mulvenon says.

Penetrating U.S. Defense Firms

The official U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, in a report released two months ago, highlighted what it said was China's "increasingly aggressive" efforts to obtain U.S. technology, through "stepped up" cybertheft. The commission suggested that the Chinese have penetrated many U.S. defense companies, with the intention of stealing U.S. technology secrets.

"It saves them money," says Larry Wortzel, a longtime China espionage expert who serves on the commission. "It saves them their own research and development effort, and it leapfrogs Chinese industries ahead even though they may not have put the money into the research."

Countries steal secrets from each other all the time. But experts say the Chinese are virtually unmatched when it comes to cybertheft.

"They are so sophisticated. They are amazingly, complexly driven," says Stephen Spoonamore, a high-tech entrepreneur who has worked for years defending clients from Chinese hackers. The Chinese are so good at breaking into other people's computer systems, he says, that it's almost impossible to keep them out.

"If you create 50 or 60 or 70 units of a few dozen very good hackers apiece," Spoonamore says, "and then you add rows and rows and rows of control room monitors, [to follow an adversary's computer network operations], and if you pair those things up and run it 24-7, you're going to win. Period."

Spoonamore, now the CEO of ABS Materials, has a solid reputation in the Internet security business but says he has mostly given up his consulting work out of frustration with Chinese hackers.

Chinese Government Role Suspected

For the U.S. government, a pressing question is who exactly is behind all the cyber attacks that originate in China. Given speed-of-light transactions on the Internet, it's hard to identify the source of an attack with certainty. The congressionally appointed U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, in its November report, pointed to "circumstantial and forensic evidence [that] strongly indicates the involvement of Chinese state or state-supported entities."

"When you see human espionage directed against specific technologies like quiet submarine drive systems [or] naval propulsion systems, and cyber attacks to extract exactly the same information, a reasonable analyst will conclude that it is probably government-directed," says commission member Wortzel.

Human spies and computer hackers looking for the same defense secrets at the same time. Who but a government would be directing an effort like that? It's a glimpse of 21st-century cyber warfare.

RUSSIA: Today in Vladivostok

Gallery Image

An Orthodox priest sprays holy water at believers at a church in Russia’s far eastern city of Vladivostok during Orthodox Epiphany celebrations on Jan. 19, 2010. Orthodox believers mark Epiphany on January 19 by immersing themselves in icy waters regardless of the weather. (REUTERS)

JAPAN: Ogasawara, Hiraizumi World Heritage hopefuls

Tuesday, Jan. 19, 2010

Kyodo News

News photo

Iwate Prefecture's Hiraizumi historic area, including the golden hall of Chusonji Temple KYODO PHOTO

The government said Monday it will recommend that the Hiraizumi historic area and the Ogasawara Islands be designated as UNESCO World Heritage sites.

Japan plans to submit documents to the world body later this month and the World Heritage Committee of UNESCO is expected to make decisions on applications in summer 2011 after preliminary examinations.

The International Union for Conservation of Nature will examine the Ogasawara Islands, a natural heritage candidate, and the International Council on Monuments and Sites will assess the Hiraizumi area in Iwate Prefecture, a cultural heritage candidate.

The government also said Monday it will apply for adding more areas to the World Heritage site at the Iwami silver mine in Shimane Prefecture, which is listed as a cultural heritage site. The application will be examined this summer.

Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape. A mine shaft open to the public. Facilities for rockfall prevention (Ginzan Sakunouchi). © Haruo Inoue / Haruo Inoue

The Ogasawara chain covers some 7,400 hectares, including Chichijima Island, Hahajima Island and surrounding sea areas.

Ogasawara Islands

Rare species such as the Bonin flying fox, designated as a protected species, live there.

Hiraizumi, which was the governing base of the powerful 12th-century Oshu Fujiwara samurai clan in what is now Iwate Prefecture was recommended to UNESCO in 2006 on the grounds its architecture and gardens are artistic masterpieces that re-create the Buddhist concept of heaven. The application was turned down in 2008.

View Article in The Japan Times

JAPAN: As security pact with U.S. turns 50, Japan looks to redefine relations

Tuesday, Jan. 19, 2010

By MASAMI ITO

Staff writer

The Japanese-U.S. security treaty in its current form turned 50 Tuesday. Throughout the decades, the two nations have had their ups and downs and occasional tension, but together they weathered the Cold War and entered a new era and new century.

News photo

Continuity: U.S. President Barack Obama is greeted by Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at the Prime Minister's Official Residence in November. KYODO PHOTO,

News photo

Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi and President Dwight Eisenhower sign the Japan-U.S. security treaty at the White House on Jan. 19, 1960. AP PHOTO

Now, half a century after the bilateral pact was signed, leaders of the two nations have voiced an eagerness to strengthen the alliance.

But bilateral ties are strained at present, and how well Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and his Democratic Party of Japan-led ruling bloc can deepen them remains to be seen. Pundits say this is a good year to thoroughly review defense policies, and that a true deepening of the alliance to face the next 50 years depends on it.

The DPJ, which took power in September from the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party, is believed in a better position to further develop relations with the U.S. under President Barack Obama because he and Hatoyama share common goals and policies, including development in the Third World, eradication of poverty, measures to curb global warming and the fight against nuclear nonproliferation.

Fumiaki Kubo, a political science professor at the University of Tokyo, however, said that instead of using this opportunity, the Hatoyama administration is placing itself in a disadvantage.

"The 50th anniversary is supposed to be a good opportunity to broaden and deepen Japan's cooperative relationship with the U.S. not only on security but on other key issues as well," Kubo said. "But the Japanese government has been picking an unnecessary fight with the U.S. — making statements that have triggered distrust and made Japan seem to value China more — and (this) is putting Japan at a disadvantage."

Since taking office, Hatoyama has been calling for a "close and equal" Japan-U.S. relationship. During his first news conference of the new year, he said he wanted to take advantage of the 50th anniversary to further develop trust with the U.S. by standing up and stating honest opinions.

"It is no good avoiding difficult subjects and simply doing as the other side says; instead, we should be able to say clearly what we think needs to be said," Hatoyama said. "And through such an approach, we will develop greater trust between us."

What Hatoyama was talking about, Kubo said, was cutting the "omoiyari" budget, the costs borne by Japan for supporting the U.S. forces here, and revising the Status of Forces Agreement governing how the U.S. military operates in Japan — neither of which the U.S. wants to discuss.

"In real terms, a more equal alliance for the U.S. is for Japan to increase its defense budget and assist the U.S. and to approve collective self-defense," Kubo said. "The definition of Hatoyama's 'equal' relationship is not compatible with that of the U.S. . . . Hatoyama's image is for Japan to become more independent (from the U.S.), and under certain circumstances, to lessen military cooperation."

The Japan-U.S. security alliance is unique in that the two nations bear different responsibilities.

Article 5 of the treaty obliges the two countries to jointly defend Japan by recognizing an armed attack on Japan as a common danger to the peace and safety of both countries. But there is nothing on Japan's role and duty should the U.S. be in danger, and under the current interpretation of the Constitution, Japan would not be obliged to defend America.

So instead, Article 6 of the pact enables the U.S. forces to use facilities and areas in Japan deemed necessary "for the purpose of contributing to the security of Japan and the maintenance of international peace and security in the Far East."

"The give-and-take relationship may not be symmetrical, but it is bilateral," Kubo said. "But (with the terrorist threat since 9/11), it is highly likely that the U.S. will express strong dissatisfaction that Japan, as an alliance partner, is not directly participating in helping the U.S."

The asymmetrical relationship has repeatedly been the cause of friction, Akihisa Nagashima, parliamentary defense secretary, said during a panel discussion hosted by Kyodo News last week.

"Ever since the forming of the Japan-U.S. alliance, the relationship has found itself in a critical state over and over again over the asymmetrical responsibilities under the basic structure," Nagashima said. "To make the Japan-U.S. alliance sustainable in the next 30 or 50 years, we need to stabilize the alliance."

And things are especially strained between the two nations over the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma. In 2006, the LDP promised to move the base's aircraft operations to Camp Schwab in Nago, farther north on Okinawa Island, but now the Hatoyama administration is interested in moving the airstrip out of the prefecture altogether.

Critics, including Takashi Kawakami, a professor of security issues at Takushoku University, say that while Futenma is only one part of the big picture, the fate of the base could deeply influence bilateral ties.

Kawakami pointed out that the situation is especially serious considering that Tokyo and Washington signed the Guam Treaty last year, under which the Futenma facility is to be relocated to Camp Schwab.

"We are reaching a point where Japan is saying it cannot fulfill its (side of the agreement)," Kawakami said. "Breaking the treaty is as serious as when (Japan) withdrew from the League of Nations (in the 1930s). Futenma is an issue Japan should deal with with national dignity."

Last week, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton tried to put a positive spin on relations when they met in Hawaii.

They officially agreed to launch foreign and defense minister talks on further deepening the alliance. The talks are not only to focus on security but also a broad spectrum of themes, including the economy and the environment.

"The passing decades have brought new challenges and new opportunities, but through it all, the alliance between the United States and Japan has been the bedrock for regional peace and prosperity," Clinton said in Hawaii. "So today, we know that this partnership is not just indestructible; it is truly indispensable."

True, the world has seen drastic changes since 1945.

The 1950 outbreak of the Korean War and the Cold War against the former Soviet Union made Japan strategically important to the U.S.

Japan signed the original pact in 1951 to allow the U.S. military to be stationed in the country. The accord was revised in 1960 to strengthen bilateral security ties.

"Until the (end of the) Cold War, (the treaty) protected Japan from communism . . . and Japan served as a bulwark against communism for the U.S.," Kawakami said. "But after the Cold War, the strength of the Japan-U.S. alliance became based on how much the U.S. could use its bases in peacetime and how much Japan could participate with the U.S. in emergencies."

The end of the Cold War did not mean the security treaty was no longer necessary, as demonstrated by North Korea's missile and nuclear threat and the growing military might of China, with double-digit increases in defense spending for 21 years in a row.

As the two nations enter the 50th anniversary of the security treaty, Kawakami stressed that how Japan and the U.S. review the alliance will be key to the future.

This year "is the most important turning point since World War II, and I think that if Japan doesn't properly redefine the Japan-U.S. alliance, bilateral ties could begin to lose their significance," Kawakami said.

"Times have changed since the enactment of the treaty and Japan needs to adjust itself to the changes by deciding whether to work with the U.S., work on its own, or join hands with another country."

Japan endeared itself to the U.S. in 2003 when Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi dispatched Self-Defense Forces units to Iraq to aid in the U.S.-led coalition effort.

Kubo of the University of Tokyo said any true deepening of the alliance will ultimately require discussion on whether Japan will be willing to engage in collective self-defense, and thus open to reinterpreting the Constitution.

A positive discussion on collective self-defense "would deepen and strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance, and it is something the U.S. would greatly welcome," Kubo said. "True, Japan's obligations would increase, but the merit would lie in the fact that (collective self-defense) would deepen trust with the U.S."

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