Russian General Calls Submarine Patrols Near U.S. East Coast Routine
By Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 6, 2009
MOSCOW, Aug. 5 -- A senior Russian general on Wednesday brushed off American concerns about two Russian submarines spotted off the East Coast of the United States, saying the patrols were routine and suggesting that the U.S. Navy carries out similar missions near Russia.
"I don't know if there is any news in this news for anyone," said Col. Gen. Anatoly Nogovitsyn, deputy chief of staff of the Russian armed forces. "The fleet shouldn't sit on its hands and be idle."
Moscow often deployed its submarines off the U.S. coast during the Cold War, but the collapse of the Soviet Union left the Russian military in shambles. Now the Russian navy rarely takes on missions far from its home ports.
The presence of the two nuclear-powered attack submarines in international waters near the U.S. coast, first reported by the New York Times, suggests a more assertive Russian military posture and follows Moscow's decision two years ago to resume Cold War-style flights of nuclear-capable bombers across the Atlantic.
Asked at a news conference about the submarines, Nogovitsyn drew a comparison to the resumption of the long-range bomber missions. "This is our right. We got tired of flying circles on our routes and started strategic flights," he said.
"And you remember how much clamor this caused at the time? Just because we started going out on combat patrols," he continued. "But I must tell you that the battle potential of our strategic aviation is serious, and has only risen since then."
"Long voyages of Russian submarines, this is a normal process," he added, saying U.S. officials who are expressing concerns "understand this very well."
Lt. Desmond James, a spokesman for the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) and U.S. Northern Command, issued a written statement confirming that the Pentagon has been watching Russian submarines operating in international waters off the coast.
"We have been monitoring them during transit and recognize the right of all nations to exercise freedom of navigation in international waters according to international law," he said.
The New York Times quoted unidentified Defense Department officials expressing concern about the unusual patrols but also saying that the submarines have not taken any provocative actions.
Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said Wednesday: "Did we have an indication that they were coming this way? Sure. . . . The larger question is, is it of concern to us. And the answer to that is -- no."
In August 2007, when then-President Vladimir Putin ordered a resumption of the strategic bomber flights, some U.S. officials suggested that the decision presented little military threat and carried primarily symbolic weight. Russia had halted the flights in 1992 in part because it could no longer afford the fuel.
Putin, who is now prime minister, said the missions would continue regularly on a "permanent basis" because similar flights by other countries were causing "certain problems for ensuring the security of the Russian Federation."
Analysts said it was not clear whether the submarine patrol was an isolated episode or would become a regular occurrence.
© 2009 The Washington Post Company
Sunday, October 25, 2009
Japan's Rent-A-Friend
Lonely Japanese find solace in 'rent a friend' agencies
* Best man, relative or even spouse available at a price
* Social changes fuel boom in professional stand-ins
Justin McCurry in Tokyo guardian.co.uk,
Sunday 20 September 2009 18.27 BST
Best man Ryuichi Ichinokawa took his place before the assembled wedding guests, cleared his throat and for the next few minutes spoke movingly about the bride and groom. But his speech omitted one crucial fact: that he knew the beaming couple only marginally better than the waiters and waitresses serving their wedding breakfast.
From the moment the guests sat down until they belted out the final karaoke song of the evening, Ichinokawa was part of a grand, though well-intentioned, deception.
He is a professional stand-in, part of a growing service sector that rents out fake spouses, best men, relatives, friends, colleagues, boyfriends and girlfriends to spare their clients' blushes at social functions such as weddings and funerals.
This weekend he adopted yet another guise, as the uncle of a 12-year-old boy and his younger sister at a school sports day. He dutifully cheered them on, recorded their efforts on his handheld video camera and joined in the adult-and-child races.
If anyone asked, he would introduce himself as the children's uncle, perhaps engage in small talk, then discreetly slip away. He is unlikely to ever again set eyes on his "nephew" and "niece", or his "sister" – a divorcee whose children were being bullied at school about their absent father.
Ichinokawa launched his Hagemashi Tai [I Want to Cheer You Up] agency three-and-a-half years ago, after abandoning plans to become a qualified counsellor.
After a successful debut making the wedding speech, the requests came flooding in, says Ichinokawa, who takes days off from his job at a toy manufacturer to go on assignment. "People wanted women, old and young people, all sorts, but of course I couldn't play all those roles myself."
The affable, bespectacled 44-year-old now employs 30 agents of various ages and both sexes, across Japan with the skills and personality to temporarily adopt a new identity: as the father of a boy who is in trouble at school, for instance, or the parents of a woman attending a formal match-making party.
The number of rent-a-friend agencies in Japan has doubled to about 10 in the past eight years. The best known, Office Agent, has 1,000 people on its books.
The rise of the phony friend is a symptom of social and economic changes, combined with a deep-seated cultural aversion to giving personal and professional problems a public airing.
In recent months demand has surged for bogus bosses among men who have lost their jobs; for colleagues among contract employees who never stay in the same job long enough to make friends, and from divorcees and lovelorn singletons.
Ichinokawa's agents charge a modest 15,000 yen (£100) to turn up at a wedding party, but extra if they are asked to make a speech or to sing karaoke.
His preparation is exhaustive, examining every possible question that, if answered incorrectly or not at all, will embarrass his client and ruin his reputation. "In three and a half years I've never once been caught out," Ichinokawa says.
He even managed to keep his wife in the dark about his extra-curricular activities until two months ago, when she spotted him in a cafe being interviewed by a Japanese reporter.
"If I'm pretending to be someone's husband, I make sure I know everything about my 'wife', from her mobile phone number to what 'our' kids have been getting up to lately," he adds.
His next big assignment is to rescue a faltering love affair. The client, a woman in her 20s who is in a long-distance relationship, fears that her "good-looking, popular" boyfriend's interest is waning.
When they meet for a date next month, an equally handsome male fake "friend" will bump into her, tell her how happy he is to see her again and, if all goes to plan, prompt the boyfriend into a jealousy-driven show of affection.
It sounds improbable, but Ichinokawa is certain he will save his client's relationship. "I don't make any money out of this," he says. "But I love helping people with their problems and making them happy. When they email me afterwards to say thank you, I feel fulfilled."
© Guardian News and Media Limited 2009
* Best man, relative or even spouse available at a price
* Social changes fuel boom in professional stand-ins
Justin McCurry in Tokyo guardian.co.uk,
Sunday 20 September 2009 18.27 BST
Best man Ryuichi Ichinokawa took his place before the assembled wedding guests, cleared his throat and for the next few minutes spoke movingly about the bride and groom. But his speech omitted one crucial fact: that he knew the beaming couple only marginally better than the waiters and waitresses serving their wedding breakfast.
From the moment the guests sat down until they belted out the final karaoke song of the evening, Ichinokawa was part of a grand, though well-intentioned, deception.
He is a professional stand-in, part of a growing service sector that rents out fake spouses, best men, relatives, friends, colleagues, boyfriends and girlfriends to spare their clients' blushes at social functions such as weddings and funerals.
This weekend he adopted yet another guise, as the uncle of a 12-year-old boy and his younger sister at a school sports day. He dutifully cheered them on, recorded their efforts on his handheld video camera and joined in the adult-and-child races.
If anyone asked, he would introduce himself as the children's uncle, perhaps engage in small talk, then discreetly slip away. He is unlikely to ever again set eyes on his "nephew" and "niece", or his "sister" – a divorcee whose children were being bullied at school about their absent father.
Ichinokawa launched his Hagemashi Tai [I Want to Cheer You Up] agency three-and-a-half years ago, after abandoning plans to become a qualified counsellor.
After a successful debut making the wedding speech, the requests came flooding in, says Ichinokawa, who takes days off from his job at a toy manufacturer to go on assignment. "People wanted women, old and young people, all sorts, but of course I couldn't play all those roles myself."
The affable, bespectacled 44-year-old now employs 30 agents of various ages and both sexes, across Japan with the skills and personality to temporarily adopt a new identity: as the father of a boy who is in trouble at school, for instance, or the parents of a woman attending a formal match-making party.
The number of rent-a-friend agencies in Japan has doubled to about 10 in the past eight years. The best known, Office Agent, has 1,000 people on its books.
The rise of the phony friend is a symptom of social and economic changes, combined with a deep-seated cultural aversion to giving personal and professional problems a public airing.
In recent months demand has surged for bogus bosses among men who have lost their jobs; for colleagues among contract employees who never stay in the same job long enough to make friends, and from divorcees and lovelorn singletons.
Ichinokawa's agents charge a modest 15,000 yen (£100) to turn up at a wedding party, but extra if they are asked to make a speech or to sing karaoke.
His preparation is exhaustive, examining every possible question that, if answered incorrectly or not at all, will embarrass his client and ruin his reputation. "In three and a half years I've never once been caught out," Ichinokawa says.
He even managed to keep his wife in the dark about his extra-curricular activities until two months ago, when she spotted him in a cafe being interviewed by a Japanese reporter.
"If I'm pretending to be someone's husband, I make sure I know everything about my 'wife', from her mobile phone number to what 'our' kids have been getting up to lately," he adds.
His next big assignment is to rescue a faltering love affair. The client, a woman in her 20s who is in a long-distance relationship, fears that her "good-looking, popular" boyfriend's interest is waning.
When they meet for a date next month, an equally handsome male fake "friend" will bump into her, tell her how happy he is to see her again and, if all goes to plan, prompt the boyfriend into a jealousy-driven show of affection.
It sounds improbable, but Ichinokawa is certain he will save his client's relationship. "I don't make any money out of this," he says. "But I love helping people with their problems and making them happy. When they email me afterwards to say thank you, I feel fulfilled."
© Guardian News and Media Limited 2009
China's Stimulus Spurs U.S. Business
APRIL 30, 2009.
China's Stimulus Spurs U.S. Business
As the Government's $585 Billion Program Pours Money Into Projects, U.S. Suppliers Find Opportunities.
By JAMES T. AREDDY and TIMOTHY AEPPEL
China's efforts to quickly pump up its economy are providing a much-needed boost for U.S. businesses as well.
A growing number of companies, from tire and excavator makers to fast-food chains, are benefiting from China's $585 billion stimulus program, which has quickly funneled money into everything from bridges to consumers' pockets.
Just 11 days after the Chinese government approved a $930 million bridge and expressway project called Xiangshan Island Bridge, which will extend over the East China Sea and through mountain tunnels, massive orange drilling equipment was already on site.
Such speed is critical to U.S. industrial-equipment makers, which sell into that market and aren't benefiting nearly as quickly from U.S. stimulus spending.
Caterpillar Inc. Chief Executive James W. Owens says the company's excavator sales in China have returned to record levels in recent months, bouncing back from plummeting sales over the winter.
He says China continues to have a great need for infrastructure and that projects there could start much more quickly than could similar projects in the U.S. "It's something like nine months [in the U.S.] versus nine weeks" in China, he says.
China also appears to be one of the few bright spots for the steel industry. Although U.S. steel companies are suffering because of the problems in the auto and construction industries, Lakshmi Mittal, CEO of Arcelor Mittal, the world's largest steelmaker, said on Wednesday that China's stimulus package is finally starting to increase demand for steel.
Rising demand in China helps all steelmakers, whether or not they have plants in China, because it keeps excess Chinese steel from flooding the market and depressing prices.
When China's economy sputtered late last year, fears arose that the one bright spot had faded. But it now appears to be stabilizing, in large part because of the speed and heft of the country's stimulus spending.
As a result, China, the world's third largest economy behind the U.S. and Japan, may be the first major economy to recover.
China's investment in infrastructure projects has soared, rising 102% in the first quarter from a year earlier, the National Bureau of Statistics says. In contrast, Washington has distributed $69 billion of its $787 billion in stimulus funds to states and localities, which have spent $14 billion.
China is emerging as an important opportunity for many U.S. producers.
Almost overnight, neighborhoods in Shanghai erupted with scaffolding and drilling, a result of China's attempt to fight the recession with city beautification projects. James Areddy reports from Shanghai, China.
.
"The hope is that China would become an engine of growth to drive the global economy out of this severe recession -- much as the U.S. was the engine of growth that drove the global economy after the dot-com collapse," says Daniel Meckstroth, an economist at the Manufacturers Alliance/MAPI, a public-policy group in Arlington, Va.
He notes that China has a huge foreign currency reserve, built up over years of trade surpluses, that puts it in a position to spend heavily to stimulate its economy by building infrastructure.
China's efforts are also stimulating consumer spending, and that helps manufacturers both at home and abroad, including in the U.S. "The Chinese are spending on more value-added good: autos, appliances," Mr. Meckstroth says.
Indeed, Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. CEO Robert Keegan says the company sees promising signs for tire sales in China, where auto sales hit a record in March.
Although emerging strength in China isn't enough to offset weak North American sales, it does help prevent even deeper losses.
On Wednesday, the tire maker said it swung to a first-quarter loss of $333 million, compared with a net profit of $147 million, or 60 cents a share, a year earlier. Sales fell to $3.5 billion from $4.9 billion.
Fast-food giants are also trying to cash in. Yum Brands Inc. -- parent of the KFC and Pizza Hut chains -- opened 98 new restaurants in China in the first quarter and is on track to open at least 475 new ones for the full year.
Before the recession took root in the U.S. and then spread around the world, companies talked about the powerful Chinese economy, which was driving up demand and prices for a wide range of goods, from iron ore to tractor tires. Executives remained optimistic that demand in China would offset weaknesses elsewhere.
The swift start on the Xiangshan Island Bridge project reflects years of preparatory work, a top-down administration that tolerates little dissent and a pipeline of projects.
Indeed, by the time building on the bridge began, it had been being planned for 15 years.
"China has a strong pipeline of well-prepared projects," says Robert Wihtol, China country director for the Asian Development Bank.
The bank estimates it takes 18 to 20 months under normal circumstances for China's highest administrative body to sign off on a "feasibility study report," and then four to six months for the money to be disbursed to start building a major piece of infrastructure.
These days, Chinese officials keen to demonstrate their commitment to sparking economic activity increasingly pepper speeches with buzzwords like jiakuai, or "build it quick."
In a recent report, the World Bank forecast stimulus spending will represent three-quarters of the 6.5% GDP growth it sees for China this year. But the World Bank also said much of the money is for "projects that were already envisaged in the government's longer-term plans."
Serious discussion of the Xiangshan Island Bridge dates to 1994, says Ningbo-native Liu Cijun. That was five years before Mr. Liu completed a Ph.D. dissertation on bridge wind resistance in preparation for his current job: chief engineer on the new project.
The provincial government gave its blessing for preparatory work on the bridge in 2004 and held a stone-setting ceremony in 2006, but the bridge work didn't begin. Beijing had begun admonishing local officials nationwide to cut unnecessary spending to slow double-digit economic expansion, and the China Development Bank declined to release funds for the bridge.
"The situation didn't change until the second half of last year...when financial crisis broke out," says Chen Caijian, who managed the project for four years and now works in the transportation section of Ningbo's planning bureau.
On Aug. 18, the bridge's feasibility report finally won approval from an umbrella planning agency in Beijing, paving the way for other parts of the government to sign off on it too.
When the Ministry of Transportation gave its nod in December, about 200 bridge-piling specialists were quickly hired from Jiangxi province to start site-preparation work, and the site has been busy 24 hours a day ever since.
—Ellen Zhu, Bai Lin and Joseph Barrett contributed to this article.
Write to James T. Areddy at james.areddy@wsj.com and Timothy Aeppel at timothy.aeppel@wsj.com
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page B1
Copyright 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved
China's Stimulus Spurs U.S. Business
As the Government's $585 Billion Program Pours Money Into Projects, U.S. Suppliers Find Opportunities.
By JAMES T. AREDDY and TIMOTHY AEPPEL
China's efforts to quickly pump up its economy are providing a much-needed boost for U.S. businesses as well.
A growing number of companies, from tire and excavator makers to fast-food chains, are benefiting from China's $585 billion stimulus program, which has quickly funneled money into everything from bridges to consumers' pockets.
Just 11 days after the Chinese government approved a $930 million bridge and expressway project called Xiangshan Island Bridge, which will extend over the East China Sea and through mountain tunnels, massive orange drilling equipment was already on site.
Such speed is critical to U.S. industrial-equipment makers, which sell into that market and aren't benefiting nearly as quickly from U.S. stimulus spending.
Caterpillar Inc. Chief Executive James W. Owens says the company's excavator sales in China have returned to record levels in recent months, bouncing back from plummeting sales over the winter.
He says China continues to have a great need for infrastructure and that projects there could start much more quickly than could similar projects in the U.S. "It's something like nine months [in the U.S.] versus nine weeks" in China, he says.
China also appears to be one of the few bright spots for the steel industry. Although U.S. steel companies are suffering because of the problems in the auto and construction industries, Lakshmi Mittal, CEO of Arcelor Mittal, the world's largest steelmaker, said on Wednesday that China's stimulus package is finally starting to increase demand for steel.
Rising demand in China helps all steelmakers, whether or not they have plants in China, because it keeps excess Chinese steel from flooding the market and depressing prices.
When China's economy sputtered late last year, fears arose that the one bright spot had faded. But it now appears to be stabilizing, in large part because of the speed and heft of the country's stimulus spending.
As a result, China, the world's third largest economy behind the U.S. and Japan, may be the first major economy to recover.
China's investment in infrastructure projects has soared, rising 102% in the first quarter from a year earlier, the National Bureau of Statistics says. In contrast, Washington has distributed $69 billion of its $787 billion in stimulus funds to states and localities, which have spent $14 billion.
China is emerging as an important opportunity for many U.S. producers.
Almost overnight, neighborhoods in Shanghai erupted with scaffolding and drilling, a result of China's attempt to fight the recession with city beautification projects. James Areddy reports from Shanghai, China.
.
"The hope is that China would become an engine of growth to drive the global economy out of this severe recession -- much as the U.S. was the engine of growth that drove the global economy after the dot-com collapse," says Daniel Meckstroth, an economist at the Manufacturers Alliance/MAPI, a public-policy group in Arlington, Va.
He notes that China has a huge foreign currency reserve, built up over years of trade surpluses, that puts it in a position to spend heavily to stimulate its economy by building infrastructure.
China's efforts are also stimulating consumer spending, and that helps manufacturers both at home and abroad, including in the U.S. "The Chinese are spending on more value-added good: autos, appliances," Mr. Meckstroth says.
Indeed, Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. CEO Robert Keegan says the company sees promising signs for tire sales in China, where auto sales hit a record in March.
Although emerging strength in China isn't enough to offset weak North American sales, it does help prevent even deeper losses.
On Wednesday, the tire maker said it swung to a first-quarter loss of $333 million, compared with a net profit of $147 million, or 60 cents a share, a year earlier. Sales fell to $3.5 billion from $4.9 billion.
Fast-food giants are also trying to cash in. Yum Brands Inc. -- parent of the KFC and Pizza Hut chains -- opened 98 new restaurants in China in the first quarter and is on track to open at least 475 new ones for the full year.
Before the recession took root in the U.S. and then spread around the world, companies talked about the powerful Chinese economy, which was driving up demand and prices for a wide range of goods, from iron ore to tractor tires. Executives remained optimistic that demand in China would offset weaknesses elsewhere.
The swift start on the Xiangshan Island Bridge project reflects years of preparatory work, a top-down administration that tolerates little dissent and a pipeline of projects.
Indeed, by the time building on the bridge began, it had been being planned for 15 years.
"China has a strong pipeline of well-prepared projects," says Robert Wihtol, China country director for the Asian Development Bank.
The bank estimates it takes 18 to 20 months under normal circumstances for China's highest administrative body to sign off on a "feasibility study report," and then four to six months for the money to be disbursed to start building a major piece of infrastructure.
These days, Chinese officials keen to demonstrate their commitment to sparking economic activity increasingly pepper speeches with buzzwords like jiakuai, or "build it quick."
In a recent report, the World Bank forecast stimulus spending will represent three-quarters of the 6.5% GDP growth it sees for China this year. But the World Bank also said much of the money is for "projects that were already envisaged in the government's longer-term plans."
Serious discussion of the Xiangshan Island Bridge dates to 1994, says Ningbo-native Liu Cijun. That was five years before Mr. Liu completed a Ph.D. dissertation on bridge wind resistance in preparation for his current job: chief engineer on the new project.
The provincial government gave its blessing for preparatory work on the bridge in 2004 and held a stone-setting ceremony in 2006, but the bridge work didn't begin. Beijing had begun admonishing local officials nationwide to cut unnecessary spending to slow double-digit economic expansion, and the China Development Bank declined to release funds for the bridge.
"The situation didn't change until the second half of last year...when financial crisis broke out," says Chen Caijian, who managed the project for four years and now works in the transportation section of Ningbo's planning bureau.
On Aug. 18, the bridge's feasibility report finally won approval from an umbrella planning agency in Beijing, paving the way for other parts of the government to sign off on it too.
When the Ministry of Transportation gave its nod in December, about 200 bridge-piling specialists were quickly hired from Jiangxi province to start site-preparation work, and the site has been busy 24 hours a day ever since.
—Ellen Zhu, Bai Lin and Joseph Barrett contributed to this article.
Write to James T. Areddy at james.areddy@wsj.com and Timothy Aeppel at timothy.aeppel@wsj.com
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page B1
Copyright 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved
China's Climate-Change Push
China steps up, slowly but surely
Driven by climate concerns and a desire to modernize its economy, Beijing has begun addressing the emissions issue
By Steven Mufson
Saturday, October 24, 2009
LANGFANG, CHINA -- At a gleaming new research center outside Beijing, about 250 engineers and researchers from the ENN Group are trying to figure out how to make energy use less damaging to the world's climate.
In a large greenhouse, hundreds of tubes hold strains of algae being tested for how much carbon dioxide they can suck from the air. Outside, half a dozen brands of solar panels are being matched for performance against the company's own. Next door, large blocks of earth, carved out of Inner Mongolia, have been trucked in to test for new methods of gasifying coal underground.
The private company is part of a growing drive by China to work out a way to check the rapid growth of its massive emissions of greenhouse gases. Seeking to transform an economy heavily dependent upon coal for electric power and industrial production, the government has closed down old cement and coal plants, subsidized row upon row of new wind turbines and taken other measures.
Among members of the U.S. Congress and negotiators preparing for a December climate summit in Copenhagen, China is often considered an obstacle because it has not committed to imposing a ceiling on its emissions of the gases that most scientists blame for climate change. China produces the most carbon emissions in the world, and the output is likely to continue growing for two decades. When President Hu Jintao pledged at the United Nations last month to lower the country's carbon intensity "by a notable margin," that was regarded as a step forward.
Yet, in visible and less visible ways, China has begun to address its emissions problem. The steps are driven in part by the parochial concern that climate change could worsen the flooding that plagues the country's low-lying coastal regions, including Shanghai, and cause water shortages in western areas as glaciers in the Himalayas melt away.
But China has also begun to see energy efficiency and renewable energy as ingredients for the type of modern economy it wants to build, in part because it would make the nation's energy sources more secure.
"We think this is a new business for us, not a burden," said Gan Zhongxue, who left a job as a top U.S. scientist for the giant ABB Group to head up research and development at ENN, the Langfang company that made its fortune as the dominant natural gas distributor in 80 Chinese cities.
In the right direction
For China, the challenge is immense. On average, a Chinese person emits one-fifth as much greenhouse gas as an American; an overwhelming majority of Chinese do not own cars; and half the population in China still lacks access to winter heating. But its economy is growing so quickly and prosperity is spreading so rapidly that China's demand for energy is destined to increase even if it uses less for every dollar of economic output. The State Grid's economic research institute forecasts an 85 percent increase in electricity demand by 2020.
Still, China has taken significant steps in the past five years. It removed subsidies for motor fuel, which now costs more than it does in the United States; its fuel-efficiency standard for new urban vehicles is 36.7 miles per gallon, a level the United States will not reach for seven years. It has set high efficiency standards for new coal plants; the United States has none. It has set new energy-efficiency standards for buildings. It has targeted its 1,000 top emitters of greenhouse gases to boost energy efficiency by 20 percent. And it has shut down many older, inefficient industrial boilers and power plants.
"Regardless of whether the United States passes its own legislation, China will take positive measures because this is a requirement for our own economy to conserve resources," said Xie Zhenhua, vice chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission and China's point man in international climate talks. If China mimics the West's wasteful modernization path, he said, the environment would not be livable.
In climate talks, China has argued that industrialized nations should do more to slow the pace of climate change compared with developing nations, where raising living standards is the priority. China has also noted the cumulative emissions of advanced economies since the Industrial Revolution. And some Chinese commentators have accused Western nations of using a carbon cap as a way to contain China's advancement.
Nonetheless, the government has set ambitious targets for renewable energy, which is supposed to account for 15 percent of the country's fuel mix by 2020, and for tree planting, to boost forest cover to 20 percent of China's land mass by the end of next year. China plans to quadruple its nuclear power; by the end of next year, it may have 18 nuclear energy plants under construction, half of the world's total under construction.
Smaller details are getting attention, too. Xie said forcing supermarkets to charge for plastic bags reduced the use of the bags by two-thirds, saving the equivalent of about 30,000 barrels of oil a day.
Last week, the Paris-based International Energy Agency said the efforts are starting to pay off. The agency lowered its estimate of future Chinese greenhouse gas emissions.
Yet, for all of China's efforts, its greenhouse gas emissions are likely to head upward.
Challenges remain
Hitting its renewable and nuclear energy targets will be challenging. The explosion in the number of wind turbines has created a transmission bottleneck; many turbines stand idle in Inner Mongolia and northeast China, awaiting new transmission lines and connections with the main power grids. The country lacks the skilled manpower to effectively construct, operate or regulate nuclear power stations. Key components might be in short supply, too.
All that contributes to China's continued reliance on coal -- and its reluctance to guarantee a ceiling on its emissions at the Copenhagen summit.
Another problem for China is energy inefficiency in buildings. Electricity and gas used by buildings account for a third of the country's emissions and 7 percent of the world's. Over the next decade, China is expected to add commercial real estate space far in excess of the existing commercial space in the United States.
China has passed new requirements, but enforcing them is difficult. Only 10 buildings have applied for recognition under a two-year-old green-building rating system, though more than 200 buildings have applied for certification under the U.S.-based LEED standards for energy efficiency, said David Hathaway, managing director of the consulting firm ICF International.
Hathaway said U.S. agencies and nongovernmental organizations are encouraging China's biggest property developers to adopt tough standards, and higher Chinese standards for appliances are helping. He said his firm had helped Jin Mao Tower in Beijing, the capital, shave 20 percent off its energy use.
In the United States, China's drive to rein in its carbon emissions has prompted some people to switch from worrying about "the China threat" to the global climate to worrying about the threat of China soon seizing the lead in clean-energy technology. Many people cite this new threat in order to spur U.S. climate efforts as well as bilateral cooperation.
"If they invest in 21st-century technologies and we invest in 20th-century technologies, they will win," said David Sandalow, assistant secretary for policy and international affairs at the Energy Department, who recently visited Beijing to explore areas for agreement during President Obama's trip here next month.
Driven by climate concerns and a desire to modernize its economy, Beijing has begun addressing the emissions issue
By Steven Mufson
Saturday, October 24, 2009
LANGFANG, CHINA -- At a gleaming new research center outside Beijing, about 250 engineers and researchers from the ENN Group are trying to figure out how to make energy use less damaging to the world's climate.
In a large greenhouse, hundreds of tubes hold strains of algae being tested for how much carbon dioxide they can suck from the air. Outside, half a dozen brands of solar panels are being matched for performance against the company's own. Next door, large blocks of earth, carved out of Inner Mongolia, have been trucked in to test for new methods of gasifying coal underground.
The private company is part of a growing drive by China to work out a way to check the rapid growth of its massive emissions of greenhouse gases. Seeking to transform an economy heavily dependent upon coal for electric power and industrial production, the government has closed down old cement and coal plants, subsidized row upon row of new wind turbines and taken other measures.
Among members of the U.S. Congress and negotiators preparing for a December climate summit in Copenhagen, China is often considered an obstacle because it has not committed to imposing a ceiling on its emissions of the gases that most scientists blame for climate change. China produces the most carbon emissions in the world, and the output is likely to continue growing for two decades. When President Hu Jintao pledged at the United Nations last month to lower the country's carbon intensity "by a notable margin," that was regarded as a step forward.
Yet, in visible and less visible ways, China has begun to address its emissions problem. The steps are driven in part by the parochial concern that climate change could worsen the flooding that plagues the country's low-lying coastal regions, including Shanghai, and cause water shortages in western areas as glaciers in the Himalayas melt away.
But China has also begun to see energy efficiency and renewable energy as ingredients for the type of modern economy it wants to build, in part because it would make the nation's energy sources more secure.
"We think this is a new business for us, not a burden," said Gan Zhongxue, who left a job as a top U.S. scientist for the giant ABB Group to head up research and development at ENN, the Langfang company that made its fortune as the dominant natural gas distributor in 80 Chinese cities.
In the right direction
For China, the challenge is immense. On average, a Chinese person emits one-fifth as much greenhouse gas as an American; an overwhelming majority of Chinese do not own cars; and half the population in China still lacks access to winter heating. But its economy is growing so quickly and prosperity is spreading so rapidly that China's demand for energy is destined to increase even if it uses less for every dollar of economic output. The State Grid's economic research institute forecasts an 85 percent increase in electricity demand by 2020.
Still, China has taken significant steps in the past five years. It removed subsidies for motor fuel, which now costs more than it does in the United States; its fuel-efficiency standard for new urban vehicles is 36.7 miles per gallon, a level the United States will not reach for seven years. It has set high efficiency standards for new coal plants; the United States has none. It has set new energy-efficiency standards for buildings. It has targeted its 1,000 top emitters of greenhouse gases to boost energy efficiency by 20 percent. And it has shut down many older, inefficient industrial boilers and power plants.
"Regardless of whether the United States passes its own legislation, China will take positive measures because this is a requirement for our own economy to conserve resources," said Xie Zhenhua, vice chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission and China's point man in international climate talks. If China mimics the West's wasteful modernization path, he said, the environment would not be livable.
In climate talks, China has argued that industrialized nations should do more to slow the pace of climate change compared with developing nations, where raising living standards is the priority. China has also noted the cumulative emissions of advanced economies since the Industrial Revolution. And some Chinese commentators have accused Western nations of using a carbon cap as a way to contain China's advancement.
Nonetheless, the government has set ambitious targets for renewable energy, which is supposed to account for 15 percent of the country's fuel mix by 2020, and for tree planting, to boost forest cover to 20 percent of China's land mass by the end of next year. China plans to quadruple its nuclear power; by the end of next year, it may have 18 nuclear energy plants under construction, half of the world's total under construction.
Smaller details are getting attention, too. Xie said forcing supermarkets to charge for plastic bags reduced the use of the bags by two-thirds, saving the equivalent of about 30,000 barrels of oil a day.
Last week, the Paris-based International Energy Agency said the efforts are starting to pay off. The agency lowered its estimate of future Chinese greenhouse gas emissions.
Yet, for all of China's efforts, its greenhouse gas emissions are likely to head upward.
Challenges remain
Hitting its renewable and nuclear energy targets will be challenging. The explosion in the number of wind turbines has created a transmission bottleneck; many turbines stand idle in Inner Mongolia and northeast China, awaiting new transmission lines and connections with the main power grids. The country lacks the skilled manpower to effectively construct, operate or regulate nuclear power stations. Key components might be in short supply, too.
All that contributes to China's continued reliance on coal -- and its reluctance to guarantee a ceiling on its emissions at the Copenhagen summit.
Another problem for China is energy inefficiency in buildings. Electricity and gas used by buildings account for a third of the country's emissions and 7 percent of the world's. Over the next decade, China is expected to add commercial real estate space far in excess of the existing commercial space in the United States.
China has passed new requirements, but enforcing them is difficult. Only 10 buildings have applied for recognition under a two-year-old green-building rating system, though more than 200 buildings have applied for certification under the U.S.-based LEED standards for energy efficiency, said David Hathaway, managing director of the consulting firm ICF International.
Hathaway said U.S. agencies and nongovernmental organizations are encouraging China's biggest property developers to adopt tough standards, and higher Chinese standards for appliances are helping. He said his firm had helped Jin Mao Tower in Beijing, the capital, shave 20 percent off its energy use.
In the United States, China's drive to rein in its carbon emissions has prompted some people to switch from worrying about "the China threat" to the global climate to worrying about the threat of China soon seizing the lead in clean-energy technology. Many people cite this new threat in order to spur U.S. climate efforts as well as bilateral cooperation.
"If they invest in 21st-century technologies and we invest in 20th-century technologies, they will win," said David Sandalow, assistant secretary for policy and international affairs at the Energy Department, who recently visited Beijing to explore areas for agreement during President Obama's trip here next month.
Japan Searches for New Way
U.S. pressures Japan on military package
Washington concerned as new leaders in Tokyo look to redefine alliance
By John Pomfret and Blaine Harden
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, October 22, 2009
Worried about a new direction in Japan's foreign policy, the Obama administration warned the Tokyo government Wednesday of serious consequences if it reneges on a military realignment plan formulated to deal with a rising China.
The comments from Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates underscored increasing concern among U.S. officials as Japan moves to redefine its alliance with the United States and its place in Asia. In August, the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) won an overwhelming victory in elections, ending more than 50 years of one-party rule.
For a U.S. administration burdened with challenges in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, North Korea and China, troubles with its closest ally in Asia constitute a new complication.
A senior State Department official said the United States had "grown comfortable" thinking about Japan as a constant in U.S. relations in Asia. It no longer is, he said, adding that "the hardest thing right now is not China, it's Japan."
The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, said the new ruling party lacks experience in government and came to power wanting politicians to be in charge, not the bureaucrats who traditionally ran the country from behind the scenes. Added to that is a deep malaise in a society that has been politically and economically adrift for two decades.
In the past week, officials from the DPJ have announced that Japan would withdraw from an eight-year-old mission in the Indian Ocean to refuel warships supporting U.S.-led coalition forces in Afghanistan. They have also pledged to reopen negotiations over a $26 billion military package that involves relocating a U.S. Marine Corps helicopter base in Japan and moving 8,000 U.S. Marines from Japan to Guam. After more than a decade of talks, the United States and Japan agreed on the deal in 2006.
The atmospherics of the relationship have also morphed, with Japanese politicians now publicly contradicting U.S. officials.
U.S. discomfort was on display Wednesday in Tokyo as Gates pressured the government, after meetings with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, to keep its commitment to the military agreement.
"It is time to move on," Gates said, warning that if Japan pulls apart the troop "realignment road map," it would be "immensely complicated and counterproductive."
In a relationship in which protocol can be imbued with significance, Gates let his schedule do the talking, declining invitations to dine with Defense Ministry officials and to attend a welcome ceremony at the ministry.
Hatoyama said Gates's presence in Japan "doesn't mean we have to decide everything."
For decades, the alliance with the United States was a cornerstone of Japanese policy, but it was also a crutch. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) outsourced many foreign policy decisions to Washington. The base realignment plan, for example, was worked out as a way to confront China's expanding military by building up Guam as a counterweight to Beijing's growing navy and by improving missile defense capabilities to offset China and North Korea's increasingly formidable rocket forces.
The DPJ rode to power pledging to be more assertive in its relations with the United States and has seemed less committed to a robust military response to China's rise. On the campaign trail, Hatoyama vowed to reexamine what he called "secret" agreements between the LDP and the United States over the storage or transshipment of nuclear weapons in Japan -- a sensitive topic in the only country that has endured nuclear attacks.
He also pushed the idea of an East Asian Community, a sort of Asian version of the European Union, with China at its core.
Soon after the election, U.S. officials dismissed concerns that change was afoot, saying campaign rhetoric was to blame. Although most of those officials still say the alliance is strong, there is worry the DPJ is committed to transforming Japan's foreign policy -- but exactly how is unclear.
DPJ politicians have accused U.S. officials of not taking them seriously. Said Tadashi Inuzuka, a DPJ member of the upper house of Japan's parliament, the Diet: "They should realize that we are the governing party now."
Kent Calder, the director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies at Johns Hopkins University and a longtime U.S. diplomat in Japan, said that if Hatoyama succeeds in delaying a decision on the military package until next year, U.S. officials fear it could unravel.
Other Asian nations have privately reacted with alarm to Hatoyama's call for the creation of the East Asian Community because they worry that the United States would be shut out.
"I think the U.S. has to be part of the Asia-Pacific and the overall architecture of cooperation within the Asia-Pacific," Singapore's prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, said on a trip to Japan this month.
The theatrics of Japan's relationship with Washington are new as well. Take, for instance, the dust-up last month between Japan's ambassador to the United States, Ichiro Fujisaki, and Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell.
On Sept. 9, Morrell demanded that Japan continue its refueling operation in the Indian Ocean. The next day, Fujisaki responded that such a decision was "up to Japan" and then said that Japan and the United States were "not on such terms where we talk through spokespeople." The Hatoyama government has said that it will not extend the refueling mission when it expires in January.
Then, at a seminar in Washington on Oct. 14, Kuniko Tanioka, a DPJ member in the upper house, went head-to-head with Kevin Maher, director of the State Department's Office of Japan Affairs, over the Futenma Air Station deal. Maher said the deal concerning the Marine Corps base had been completed. Tanioka said the negotiations lacked transparency.
Maher noted that a senior DPJ official had agreed that the deal must go through, at which point Tanioka snapped back, "I'm smarter than he is."
"I have never seen this in 30 years," Calder said. "I haven't heard Japanese talking back to American diplomats that often, especially not publicly. The Americans usually say, 'We have a deal,' and the Japanese respond, 'Ah soo desu ka,' -- we have a deal -- and it's over. This is new."
Harden reported from Tokyo.
Washington concerned as new leaders in Tokyo look to redefine alliance
By John Pomfret and Blaine Harden
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, October 22, 2009
Worried about a new direction in Japan's foreign policy, the Obama administration warned the Tokyo government Wednesday of serious consequences if it reneges on a military realignment plan formulated to deal with a rising China.
The comments from Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates underscored increasing concern among U.S. officials as Japan moves to redefine its alliance with the United States and its place in Asia. In August, the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) won an overwhelming victory in elections, ending more than 50 years of one-party rule.
For a U.S. administration burdened with challenges in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, North Korea and China, troubles with its closest ally in Asia constitute a new complication.
A senior State Department official said the United States had "grown comfortable" thinking about Japan as a constant in U.S. relations in Asia. It no longer is, he said, adding that "the hardest thing right now is not China, it's Japan."
The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, said the new ruling party lacks experience in government and came to power wanting politicians to be in charge, not the bureaucrats who traditionally ran the country from behind the scenes. Added to that is a deep malaise in a society that has been politically and economically adrift for two decades.
In the past week, officials from the DPJ have announced that Japan would withdraw from an eight-year-old mission in the Indian Ocean to refuel warships supporting U.S.-led coalition forces in Afghanistan. They have also pledged to reopen negotiations over a $26 billion military package that involves relocating a U.S. Marine Corps helicopter base in Japan and moving 8,000 U.S. Marines from Japan to Guam. After more than a decade of talks, the United States and Japan agreed on the deal in 2006.
The atmospherics of the relationship have also morphed, with Japanese politicians now publicly contradicting U.S. officials.
U.S. discomfort was on display Wednesday in Tokyo as Gates pressured the government, after meetings with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, to keep its commitment to the military agreement.
"It is time to move on," Gates said, warning that if Japan pulls apart the troop "realignment road map," it would be "immensely complicated and counterproductive."
In a relationship in which protocol can be imbued with significance, Gates let his schedule do the talking, declining invitations to dine with Defense Ministry officials and to attend a welcome ceremony at the ministry.
Hatoyama said Gates's presence in Japan "doesn't mean we have to decide everything."
For decades, the alliance with the United States was a cornerstone of Japanese policy, but it was also a crutch. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) outsourced many foreign policy decisions to Washington. The base realignment plan, for example, was worked out as a way to confront China's expanding military by building up Guam as a counterweight to Beijing's growing navy and by improving missile defense capabilities to offset China and North Korea's increasingly formidable rocket forces.
The DPJ rode to power pledging to be more assertive in its relations with the United States and has seemed less committed to a robust military response to China's rise. On the campaign trail, Hatoyama vowed to reexamine what he called "secret" agreements between the LDP and the United States over the storage or transshipment of nuclear weapons in Japan -- a sensitive topic in the only country that has endured nuclear attacks.
He also pushed the idea of an East Asian Community, a sort of Asian version of the European Union, with China at its core.
Soon after the election, U.S. officials dismissed concerns that change was afoot, saying campaign rhetoric was to blame. Although most of those officials still say the alliance is strong, there is worry the DPJ is committed to transforming Japan's foreign policy -- but exactly how is unclear.
DPJ politicians have accused U.S. officials of not taking them seriously. Said Tadashi Inuzuka, a DPJ member of the upper house of Japan's parliament, the Diet: "They should realize that we are the governing party now."
Kent Calder, the director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies at Johns Hopkins University and a longtime U.S. diplomat in Japan, said that if Hatoyama succeeds in delaying a decision on the military package until next year, U.S. officials fear it could unravel.
Other Asian nations have privately reacted with alarm to Hatoyama's call for the creation of the East Asian Community because they worry that the United States would be shut out.
"I think the U.S. has to be part of the Asia-Pacific and the overall architecture of cooperation within the Asia-Pacific," Singapore's prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, said on a trip to Japan this month.
The theatrics of Japan's relationship with Washington are new as well. Take, for instance, the dust-up last month between Japan's ambassador to the United States, Ichiro Fujisaki, and Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell.
On Sept. 9, Morrell demanded that Japan continue its refueling operation in the Indian Ocean. The next day, Fujisaki responded that such a decision was "up to Japan" and then said that Japan and the United States were "not on such terms where we talk through spokespeople." The Hatoyama government has said that it will not extend the refueling mission when it expires in January.
Then, at a seminar in Washington on Oct. 14, Kuniko Tanioka, a DPJ member in the upper house, went head-to-head with Kevin Maher, director of the State Department's Office of Japan Affairs, over the Futenma Air Station deal. Maher said the deal concerning the Marine Corps base had been completed. Tanioka said the negotiations lacked transparency.
Maher noted that a senior DPJ official had agreed that the deal must go through, at which point Tanioka snapped back, "I'm smarter than he is."
"I have never seen this in 30 years," Calder said. "I haven't heard Japanese talking back to American diplomats that often, especially not publicly. The Americans usually say, 'We have a deal,' and the Japanese respond, 'Ah soo desu ka,' -- we have a deal -- and it's over. This is new."
Harden reported from Tokyo.
Tower of Power
Tower of Power
By Austin Ramzy Monday, Nov. 02, 2009
In China, one doesn't have to look far to see the country's commitment to renewable energy. In cities such as Beijing and Shanghai, rooftops are now covered with solar water heaters. On the grasslands of Inner Mongolia, towering white wind turbines are popping up where only cattle, sheep and herders on horseback once roamed. While coal consumption is expected to climb more than 3% annually for the next two decades, the government has also required that electrical companies add a significant amount of alternative energy to their portfolios. With the global economy languishing, China — which is not only the world's most populous country, but also the most polluted — offers the promise that its green-energy drive can become a major source of demand for international wind and solar companies.
That expectation was given a boost in September when First Solar, the Arizona-based solar-module manufacturing giant, announced that it had landed a deal to build a solar field bigger than Manhattan near the city of Ordos, Inner Mongolia. The project will dwarf the largest solar plants to date, and eventually generate enough electricity to power the equivalent of 3 million Chinese homes. To fulfill the huge demands, First Solar says it's considering building a solar-module manufacturing facility in the city to support the project. While financial details were not released, news of the deal caused First Solar's stock to jump 11% on the day of the announcement. "This major commitment to solar power is a direct result of the progressive energy policies being adopted in China to create a sustainable, long-term market for solar and a low-carbon future for China," First Solar CEO Mike Ahearn said in a statement.
China, the world's leading producer of greenhouse gases, is taking an aggressive path to develop alternative sources of energy. Already the world's leading generator of hydropower — a renewable but sometimes controversial power source because of the impact on river ecosystems — China now aims to be the front runner in wind- and solar-power generation. In 2007 the government directed that by next year at least 3% of large power companies' generating capacity should come from renewable sources (excluding hydropower); this target jumps to 8% in 2020. That may not sound like much, but according to a recent study by the China Greentech Initiative, a coalition of Chinese and foreign businesses, NGOs and government organizations, environmental technologies including renewable energy could become a $1 trillion market in China by 2013. In a recent commentary, Pulitzer Prize – winning journalist and author Thomas Friedman wrote that China's decision to go green "is the 21st-century equivalent of the Soviet Union's 1957 launch of Sputnik."
The fast-growing country's huge appetite for electricity is behind the push. While China's total power capacity will nearly double by 2020, the amount that could come from wind and solar is expected to jump more than fivefold, aided by significant government assistance. Beijing announced in March it will subsidize 50% of costs for certain solar-panel projects, and 70% in remote regions.
But as often happens in China, this potential bonanza could prove to be a mirage for foreign companies. The country's policymakers are nurturing a domestic alternative-energy industry on a massive scale. China is home to more than 100 wind-turbine manufacturers and some 400 solar-panel companies. The country has quickly grown into the world's largest maker of photovoltaic cells. Yet more than 95% of PV cells produced by China in 2008 were exported, indicating the country's output far exceeds domestic demand. Not surprisingly, foreign companies think they are being blocked from the mainland market. The European Union Chamber of Commerce in China has complained China has erected alternative-energy trade barriers, focusing specifically on the treatment of wind-turbine makers. In a position paper released in September the group said, "The use of bidding requirements to bar international [wind-turbine] companies from competing is a cause for grave concern for these players who have all invested heavily in the market to live up to stringent local content requirements."
Paulo Fernando Soares, China chief executive for Indian wind-turbine maker Suzlon Energy, says his company has successfully bid for provincial-level projects, but Suzlon and all other foreign firms have been shut out of national-level wind-base projects in Gansu, Hebei and Inner Mongolia. While the Chinese manufacturers are able to sell turbines cheaper than foreign firms, Soares argues they can't match foreign-made equipment in terms of reliability and overall track record. "The Chinese government has decided that they want to develop wind bases, that they want to promote a local industry and that they want to have local suppliers working in those big wind bases," he says. "Then the Chinese government says the foreign companies are so much more expensive than the local companies. If the turbine price is the only selection criteria, then fine. If you take into account risks and performance and tariffs and everything, I can tell you in most of the cases, if not all of the cases, the international suppliers are more competitive than the local suppliers."
China's Ministry of Commerce rejected the European chamber's complaints of protectionism, saying the country tries to offer a level playing field for all foreign and domestic businesses. But because China has not signed the World Trade Organization agreement that limits protectionism for government procurement, foreign governments have little recourse. China's National Development and Reform Commission said in June that except in cases where the necessary technology is unavailable domestically, funds from the country's $586 billion stimulus package should buy Chinese-made equipment.
Soares points out that Suzlon has built a factory in Tianjin with more than 900 employees to satisfy Chinese requirements for 70% local parts content in turbines. "They want to promote local industry. But then the question is, What is local?" says Soares. "More than 95% of my employees are Chinese. I'm an investor here, a producer here and pay taxes here. So why is there this difference?" Adding insult to injury, Chinese firms are proving to be tough competitors in markets outside China's borders. In Germany, where government subsidies helped stimulate global solar-panel production, an industry association is investigating claims that Chinese panelmakers are dumping their products. Non-Chinese solar firms complain they are undercut in European and American markets by Chinese companies selling similar products for 30% less than rivals. The dispute has the potential to increase trade frictions between China and the West. Earlier this year, U.S. customs officials ruled that imported solar panels were subject to a duty of 2.5% (panel imports were previously duty-free).
Shi Zhengrong, founder and CEO of Suntech Power, China's biggest solar-panel maker, says his company doesn't sell panels below cost anywhere in the world. And he points to First Solar's Ordos deal as evidence that foreign firms can succeed on the mainland. "As long as companies have a competitive renewable-energy technology and product offering," he says, "there will definitely be opportunities in the Chinese market."
Some overseas firms insist that China is simply repeating an economic development strategy that has propelled the country's rapid progress in many other manufacturing sectors. The country has been able to use the lure of huge potential markets to entice foreign companies to hand over technology and know-how in exchange for lucrative deals, later using that knowledge to produce competitive products cheaper than those of overseas originators. Foreign companies built the generators for the first stage of the massive Three Gorges hydroelectric dam, but the generator contracts required the foreign makers to transfer technology to Chinese partners, who took the lead in later phases of construction. A similar pattern appears to be playing out in alternative energy. Foreign wind-turbine manufacturers held nearly 60% of the Chinese market in 2006. By last year that position was reversed, with Chinese firms taking 74% of new installations, says Jun Ying, chief China representative for the consulting firm New Energy Finance. In fact, the number of Chinese turbine manufacturers has expanded so rapidly that the government, fearing a glut, warned in October that applications for new factories might not be approved.
Given the number of foreign companies that have set up their own facilities in China, the government is unlikely to let them fail completely, says New Energy Finance's Ying. "If they have manufacturing capacity in China, they generate GDP, generate tax revenue, generate employment, I do not see a reason why the Chinese government would let them die," he says. "A parent may like one child more than the other, but at the end of the day I think they will continue to do well and continue to do business in China." With the rest of the global economy still stagnating, life as China's stepchild may be the best some international firms can hope for.
By Austin Ramzy Monday, Nov. 02, 2009
In China, one doesn't have to look far to see the country's commitment to renewable energy. In cities such as Beijing and Shanghai, rooftops are now covered with solar water heaters. On the grasslands of Inner Mongolia, towering white wind turbines are popping up where only cattle, sheep and herders on horseback once roamed. While coal consumption is expected to climb more than 3% annually for the next two decades, the government has also required that electrical companies add a significant amount of alternative energy to their portfolios. With the global economy languishing, China — which is not only the world's most populous country, but also the most polluted — offers the promise that its green-energy drive can become a major source of demand for international wind and solar companies.
That expectation was given a boost in September when First Solar, the Arizona-based solar-module manufacturing giant, announced that it had landed a deal to build a solar field bigger than Manhattan near the city of Ordos, Inner Mongolia. The project will dwarf the largest solar plants to date, and eventually generate enough electricity to power the equivalent of 3 million Chinese homes. To fulfill the huge demands, First Solar says it's considering building a solar-module manufacturing facility in the city to support the project. While financial details were not released, news of the deal caused First Solar's stock to jump 11% on the day of the announcement. "This major commitment to solar power is a direct result of the progressive energy policies being adopted in China to create a sustainable, long-term market for solar and a low-carbon future for China," First Solar CEO Mike Ahearn said in a statement.
China, the world's leading producer of greenhouse gases, is taking an aggressive path to develop alternative sources of energy. Already the world's leading generator of hydropower — a renewable but sometimes controversial power source because of the impact on river ecosystems — China now aims to be the front runner in wind- and solar-power generation. In 2007 the government directed that by next year at least 3% of large power companies' generating capacity should come from renewable sources (excluding hydropower); this target jumps to 8% in 2020. That may not sound like much, but according to a recent study by the China Greentech Initiative, a coalition of Chinese and foreign businesses, NGOs and government organizations, environmental technologies including renewable energy could become a $1 trillion market in China by 2013. In a recent commentary, Pulitzer Prize – winning journalist and author Thomas Friedman wrote that China's decision to go green "is the 21st-century equivalent of the Soviet Union's 1957 launch of Sputnik."
The fast-growing country's huge appetite for electricity is behind the push. While China's total power capacity will nearly double by 2020, the amount that could come from wind and solar is expected to jump more than fivefold, aided by significant government assistance. Beijing announced in March it will subsidize 50% of costs for certain solar-panel projects, and 70% in remote regions.
But as often happens in China, this potential bonanza could prove to be a mirage for foreign companies. The country's policymakers are nurturing a domestic alternative-energy industry on a massive scale. China is home to more than 100 wind-turbine manufacturers and some 400 solar-panel companies. The country has quickly grown into the world's largest maker of photovoltaic cells. Yet more than 95% of PV cells produced by China in 2008 were exported, indicating the country's output far exceeds domestic demand. Not surprisingly, foreign companies think they are being blocked from the mainland market. The European Union Chamber of Commerce in China has complained China has erected alternative-energy trade barriers, focusing specifically on the treatment of wind-turbine makers. In a position paper released in September the group said, "The use of bidding requirements to bar international [wind-turbine] companies from competing is a cause for grave concern for these players who have all invested heavily in the market to live up to stringent local content requirements."
Paulo Fernando Soares, China chief executive for Indian wind-turbine maker Suzlon Energy, says his company has successfully bid for provincial-level projects, but Suzlon and all other foreign firms have been shut out of national-level wind-base projects in Gansu, Hebei and Inner Mongolia. While the Chinese manufacturers are able to sell turbines cheaper than foreign firms, Soares argues they can't match foreign-made equipment in terms of reliability and overall track record. "The Chinese government has decided that they want to develop wind bases, that they want to promote a local industry and that they want to have local suppliers working in those big wind bases," he says. "Then the Chinese government says the foreign companies are so much more expensive than the local companies. If the turbine price is the only selection criteria, then fine. If you take into account risks and performance and tariffs and everything, I can tell you in most of the cases, if not all of the cases, the international suppliers are more competitive than the local suppliers."
China's Ministry of Commerce rejected the European chamber's complaints of protectionism, saying the country tries to offer a level playing field for all foreign and domestic businesses. But because China has not signed the World Trade Organization agreement that limits protectionism for government procurement, foreign governments have little recourse. China's National Development and Reform Commission said in June that except in cases where the necessary technology is unavailable domestically, funds from the country's $586 billion stimulus package should buy Chinese-made equipment.
Soares points out that Suzlon has built a factory in Tianjin with more than 900 employees to satisfy Chinese requirements for 70% local parts content in turbines. "They want to promote local industry. But then the question is, What is local?" says Soares. "More than 95% of my employees are Chinese. I'm an investor here, a producer here and pay taxes here. So why is there this difference?" Adding insult to injury, Chinese firms are proving to be tough competitors in markets outside China's borders. In Germany, where government subsidies helped stimulate global solar-panel production, an industry association is investigating claims that Chinese panelmakers are dumping their products. Non-Chinese solar firms complain they are undercut in European and American markets by Chinese companies selling similar products for 30% less than rivals. The dispute has the potential to increase trade frictions between China and the West. Earlier this year, U.S. customs officials ruled that imported solar panels were subject to a duty of 2.5% (panel imports were previously duty-free).
Shi Zhengrong, founder and CEO of Suntech Power, China's biggest solar-panel maker, says his company doesn't sell panels below cost anywhere in the world. And he points to First Solar's Ordos deal as evidence that foreign firms can succeed on the mainland. "As long as companies have a competitive renewable-energy technology and product offering," he says, "there will definitely be opportunities in the Chinese market."
Some overseas firms insist that China is simply repeating an economic development strategy that has propelled the country's rapid progress in many other manufacturing sectors. The country has been able to use the lure of huge potential markets to entice foreign companies to hand over technology and know-how in exchange for lucrative deals, later using that knowledge to produce competitive products cheaper than those of overseas originators. Foreign companies built the generators for the first stage of the massive Three Gorges hydroelectric dam, but the generator contracts required the foreign makers to transfer technology to Chinese partners, who took the lead in later phases of construction. A similar pattern appears to be playing out in alternative energy. Foreign wind-turbine manufacturers held nearly 60% of the Chinese market in 2006. By last year that position was reversed, with Chinese firms taking 74% of new installations, says Jun Ying, chief China representative for the consulting firm New Energy Finance. In fact, the number of Chinese turbine manufacturers has expanded so rapidly that the government, fearing a glut, warned in October that applications for new factories might not be approved.
Given the number of foreign companies that have set up their own facilities in China, the government is unlikely to let them fail completely, says New Energy Finance's Ying. "If they have manufacturing capacity in China, they generate GDP, generate tax revenue, generate employment, I do not see a reason why the Chinese government would let them die," he says. "A parent may like one child more than the other, but at the end of the day I think they will continue to do well and continue to do business in China." With the rest of the global economy still stagnating, life as China's stepchild may be the best some international firms can hope for.
Ishihara was ignorant of fact Olympics bid never had a hope — and we must pay price
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
MEDIA MIX
Ishihara was ignorant of fact Olympics bid never had a hope — and we must pay price
By PHILIP BRASOR
Ever since Tokyo lost out on hosting the 2016 Summer Olympics the local media has been discussing what the Japan Olympic Committee (JOC) did wrong. In particular, they analyzed the presentations given by Tokyo Gov. Shintaro Ishihara and a group of former and future Olympians before the International Olympic Committee (IOC) on Oct. 2 in Copenhagen, as if the presentations actually meant something.
Following the vote, Vice Gov. Naoki Inose appeared on TV Asahi's Hodo Station in an agitated state, saying that Japan's presentation was clearly the best among the four candidate cities, and claimed that he personally convinced the new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, into making the trip to Denmark. Hatoyama had made such a strong impression when he talked about Japan's pledge to cut carbon-dioxide emissions during his United Nations "debut" that Inose thought he could bring the same persuasiveness to the Olympics proposal.
Regardless of his performance at the U.N., Hatoyama's speech to the IOC was stiff and awkward, a combination of too little time with the text and too much self-consciousness to sound natural in English. The other presenters sounded equally if not more out-of-their-depth, earnestly selling Tokyo's dedication to environmental responsibility and other beautiful principles.
Prior to the meeting, the Japanese press remarked on Tokyo's lack of recognizable star power, especially given the fact that U.S. President Barack Obama and his wife, Michelle, were planning to make pitches for Chicago.
But they missed the point, which was clarified when Chicago lost on the first round, even before Tokyo was knocked out. Star power had no effect on the IOC's decision because it was a foregone conclusion. What the media should have been asking is not why Tokyo lost, but why Rio de Janeiro won, which is easy to answer. Rio won because the Olympics have never been held in South America. Even the majority of NHK Radio listeners said in a survey two months ago that they expected Rio to be given the chance to host the 2016 Games for that very reason.
Now the media act as if they expected Tokyo to fail all along, and sour grapes is the main mode of discourse, as Inose's grumpy defensiveness showed. Ishihara was even worse. At the press conference following the decision he insisted he did a good job, that his team "played well." Later, safely back in Tokyo, he went further with this competitive reasoning, saying the Rio bid committee was involved in some back-room politicking with the IOC, a comment that immediately drew Brazilian ire. Which isn't to say Tokyo wouldn't have availed itself of such lobbying if it had the chance. An anonymous Tokyo official told the weekly magazine Aera that the governor knew some time ago that Tokyo wouldn't win because the JOC lacks a "human network" with the IOC. In other words, they couldn't wine-and-dine IOC members; not because its forbidden, but because they didn't have close enough connections with the organization. The official revealed the Tokyo bid committee's inferiority complex when he added that the JOC doesn't have any members "with big, impressive titles."
Doesn't Ishihara's count? Apparently, he was attending to his own inferiority complex, calculating the damage to his legacy if (or when) Tokyo lost. Getting the Olympics was to be the capper to the governor's illustrious career, and if he failed, then he was going to fail in a suitably spectacular way. That, according to Aera, was why he was so insistent on recruiting the Crown Prince to promote the bid. Had the Crown Prince agreed and Tokyo lost, it would have been a huge embarrassment to the Imperial Family, which means Ishihara would have had to fall on his sword and resign to take responsibility — a true samurai's end.
Though a famous nationalist, Ishihara doesn't really care about the Emperor's family except when they're useful to him, and he had nasty things to say about the Imperial Household Ministry last winter when they turned down his request for the Crown Prince's assistance. The governor couldn't be as dismissive with the citizenry, which is generally seen as the main problem. Tokyo's IOC ratings were supposedly the highest of all four cities except for one category: public support. Ishihara couldn't gripe about the people without alienating them further, so he took his frustration out on the media, saying that it was their fault if surveys showed that few Tokyoites cared about the bid.
But the media have always supported the Olympics for the simple reason that the Olympics have always supported the media. The Games invariably pull in huge TV audience shares in Japan — the biggest in the world, in fact. The Japanese media may have been the only entity that wanted the Tokyo Olympics more than Ishihara did, so blaming the press doesn't make sense.
Unless, of course, you've got something to hide, like all the money that was used to get the support rate up even while you knew you'd already lost for reasons beyond your control. The Tokyo bid committee spent ¥15 billion, ¥10 billion of which was tax money. And the other ¥5 billion, pledged by corporate donors, hasn't even been fully collected yet. Communist Party politicians are also saying there's tens of billions of yen in "hidden expenditures" that various sections of the metropolitan government spent on the Olympics bid, such as ¥10 million to develop a "Tokyo Exercise" regimen.
Apparently, no one is going to fall on a sword to take responsibility for all this wasted cash, including Ishihara, who insists he's still got work to do before his term ends in 2011. He'll have to find other ways of burnishing his legacy and is probably kicking himself for not getting involved in Japan's winning bid to host the 2019 Rugby World Cup, which was a cinch as it has never been held in Asia before. Sometimes the secret to political glory is recognizing foregone conclusions.
MEDIA MIX
Ishihara was ignorant of fact Olympics bid never had a hope — and we must pay price
By PHILIP BRASOR
Ever since Tokyo lost out on hosting the 2016 Summer Olympics the local media has been discussing what the Japan Olympic Committee (JOC) did wrong. In particular, they analyzed the presentations given by Tokyo Gov. Shintaro Ishihara and a group of former and future Olympians before the International Olympic Committee (IOC) on Oct. 2 in Copenhagen, as if the presentations actually meant something.
Following the vote, Vice Gov. Naoki Inose appeared on TV Asahi's Hodo Station in an agitated state, saying that Japan's presentation was clearly the best among the four candidate cities, and claimed that he personally convinced the new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, into making the trip to Denmark. Hatoyama had made such a strong impression when he talked about Japan's pledge to cut carbon-dioxide emissions during his United Nations "debut" that Inose thought he could bring the same persuasiveness to the Olympics proposal.
Regardless of his performance at the U.N., Hatoyama's speech to the IOC was stiff and awkward, a combination of too little time with the text and too much self-consciousness to sound natural in English. The other presenters sounded equally if not more out-of-their-depth, earnestly selling Tokyo's dedication to environmental responsibility and other beautiful principles.
Prior to the meeting, the Japanese press remarked on Tokyo's lack of recognizable star power, especially given the fact that U.S. President Barack Obama and his wife, Michelle, were planning to make pitches for Chicago.
But they missed the point, which was clarified when Chicago lost on the first round, even before Tokyo was knocked out. Star power had no effect on the IOC's decision because it was a foregone conclusion. What the media should have been asking is not why Tokyo lost, but why Rio de Janeiro won, which is easy to answer. Rio won because the Olympics have never been held in South America. Even the majority of NHK Radio listeners said in a survey two months ago that they expected Rio to be given the chance to host the 2016 Games for that very reason.
Now the media act as if they expected Tokyo to fail all along, and sour grapes is the main mode of discourse, as Inose's grumpy defensiveness showed. Ishihara was even worse. At the press conference following the decision he insisted he did a good job, that his team "played well." Later, safely back in Tokyo, he went further with this competitive reasoning, saying the Rio bid committee was involved in some back-room politicking with the IOC, a comment that immediately drew Brazilian ire. Which isn't to say Tokyo wouldn't have availed itself of such lobbying if it had the chance. An anonymous Tokyo official told the weekly magazine Aera that the governor knew some time ago that Tokyo wouldn't win because the JOC lacks a "human network" with the IOC. In other words, they couldn't wine-and-dine IOC members; not because its forbidden, but because they didn't have close enough connections with the organization. The official revealed the Tokyo bid committee's inferiority complex when he added that the JOC doesn't have any members "with big, impressive titles."
Doesn't Ishihara's count? Apparently, he was attending to his own inferiority complex, calculating the damage to his legacy if (or when) Tokyo lost. Getting the Olympics was to be the capper to the governor's illustrious career, and if he failed, then he was going to fail in a suitably spectacular way. That, according to Aera, was why he was so insistent on recruiting the Crown Prince to promote the bid. Had the Crown Prince agreed and Tokyo lost, it would have been a huge embarrassment to the Imperial Family, which means Ishihara would have had to fall on his sword and resign to take responsibility — a true samurai's end.
Though a famous nationalist, Ishihara doesn't really care about the Emperor's family except when they're useful to him, and he had nasty things to say about the Imperial Household Ministry last winter when they turned down his request for the Crown Prince's assistance. The governor couldn't be as dismissive with the citizenry, which is generally seen as the main problem. Tokyo's IOC ratings were supposedly the highest of all four cities except for one category: public support. Ishihara couldn't gripe about the people without alienating them further, so he took his frustration out on the media, saying that it was their fault if surveys showed that few Tokyoites cared about the bid.
But the media have always supported the Olympics for the simple reason that the Olympics have always supported the media. The Games invariably pull in huge TV audience shares in Japan — the biggest in the world, in fact. The Japanese media may have been the only entity that wanted the Tokyo Olympics more than Ishihara did, so blaming the press doesn't make sense.
Unless, of course, you've got something to hide, like all the money that was used to get the support rate up even while you knew you'd already lost for reasons beyond your control. The Tokyo bid committee spent ¥15 billion, ¥10 billion of which was tax money. And the other ¥5 billion, pledged by corporate donors, hasn't even been fully collected yet. Communist Party politicians are also saying there's tens of billions of yen in "hidden expenditures" that various sections of the metropolitan government spent on the Olympics bid, such as ¥10 million to develop a "Tokyo Exercise" regimen.
Apparently, no one is going to fall on a sword to take responsibility for all this wasted cash, including Ishihara, who insists he's still got work to do before his term ends in 2011. He'll have to find other ways of burnishing his legacy and is probably kicking himself for not getting involved in Japan's winning bid to host the 2019 Rugby World Cup, which was a cinch as it has never been held in Asia before. Sometimes the secret to political glory is recognizing foregone conclusions.
Right of foreigners to leave Japan
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
READERS IN COUNCIL
Right of foreigners to leave Japan
By CHRISTOPHER GUNSON
Tokyo
In the Oct. 20 Zeit Gist article "Foreign parents face travel curbs?," why does professor Colin P.A. Jones write: "Japanese citizens have a constitutional right to leave their country. And foreigners? They apparently lack this right."
"Apparently"? On what basis is that asserted? Any review or treatise on Japanese constitutional law by the dozens of reputable constitutional law professors in Japan will show that scholars overwhelmingly agree that citizens and foreign nationals have the right to leave Japan. Naturally, as in all countries, only citizens have the right to enter Japan. Foreign nationals, whether they hold permanent resident status or are tourists visiting for the first time, do not have this right, and can be refused entry at the sole discretion of the immigration authorities. The same is overwhelmingly true worldwide.
The Japan Times' publishing of this unsubstantiated allegation is all the more disappointing because, due to the limited amount of material available in English on legal specifics of law in Japan, it seems inevitable that this article will be quoted as fact and this mistake perpetuated.
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
READERS IN COUNCIL
Right of foreigners to leave Japan
By CHRISTOPHER GUNSON
Tokyo
In the Oct. 20 Zeit Gist article "Foreign parents face travel curbs?," why does professor Colin P.A. Jones write: "Japanese citizens have a constitutional right to leave their country. And foreigners? They apparently lack this right."
"Apparently"? On what basis is that asserted? Any review or treatise on Japanese constitutional law by the dozens of reputable constitutional law professors in Japan will show that scholars overwhelmingly agree that citizens and foreign nationals have the right to leave Japan. Naturally, as in all countries, only citizens have the right to enter Japan. Foreign nationals, whether they hold permanent resident status or are tourists visiting for the first time, do not have this right, and can be refused entry at the sole discretion of the immigration authorities. The same is overwhelmingly true worldwide.
The Japan Times' publishing of this unsubstantiated allegation is all the more disappointing because, due to the limited amount of material available in English on legal specifics of law in Japan, it seems inevitable that this article will be quoted as fact and this mistake perpetuated.
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
Ripping yarn of the oddball genius who uncovered China's greatest secrets
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
Ripping yarn of the oddball genius who uncovered China's greatest secrets
By STEPHEN MANSFIELD
BOMB, BOOK & COMPASS: Joseph Needham and the Great Secrets of China, by Simon Winchester. Penguin, 317 pp., ¥2,100 (hardcover)
There are certain extraordinary people whose lives are by no means pre-ordained. Joseph Needham was one such person. One of the world's leading biochemists, he would go on to become a renowned China scholar. Needham was a product of the Cambridge of the 1930s, a sexually tolerant, socially progressive world that was happy to accommodate his academic shifts, studied eccentricity and leftwing activism.
Needham enjoyed a privileged life there, a degree of license inconceivable to the average British person in an age when it was still possible in some circles to cause outrage by voicing support for Darwinian theories. If you were sufficiently brilliant at what you did, though, it was possible to be both a scholar and Bohemian at Cambridge without ruffling too many of its gerontocracy's feathers. An advocate of sexual liberation, he would enjoy an "open marriage" with his equally tolerant partner, while simultaneously maintaining a Chinese mistress and a number of other dalliances.
In 1954, the bespectacled and owlish Needham would publish the first volume of his masterpiece "Science and Civilization in China," a work regarded as the foremost explication of China ever produced. The transition from biochemist to celebrated Sinologist did not happen overnight, but at a pace that will leave the reader of Simon Winchester's account reeling.
Needham's sedulous character allowed him to work unnaturally long hours, doggedly punching away at the keys of his old Remington typewriter. The range of his interests — the British press described him at one time as a latter-day Erasmus — implied an eclectic mind and a massive capacity for learning, just the sort of person to undertake a task of such monumentality as not.
Needham was smitten with China even before his first trip there in 1943 on a mission funded by the British government. It was a felicitous one. Tasked with finding out what Chinese scientists and academics needed to continue their work in a country torn apart by war, this unlikely Cambridge don was flown over the dangerous air bridge between China and India known as the Hump, and dropped into Chongqing, the proxy capital of a country at war with Japan. The China mission provided him with the perfect opportunity to collect material for his book.
In executing his commission, he hoped to operate independently from the type of foreigners who infested the country at the time: the missionaries, expatriate bureaucrats, businessmen, and execrable "old China hands."
The Chinese scientific community was clearly in dire straits. Needham had heard accounts of the resourcefulness of those working in laboratories in rural areas, the recycling and repairing, the improvisations that spoke of their poverty.
The assistance that Britain gave was invaluable but also, perhaps, an opportunity to redeem itself. Quite what long-term impact Britain's largess had on improving its image as a former colonial land-grabber, disseminator of opium and sacker of the summer palace outside of Beijing, though, is difficult to measure. The mission at least was one of its less ignoble dealings with the Middle Kingdom.
Winchester's long years as a correspondent in Asia make him an astute interpreter of Needham and China, and his subject's theory that the West's inflated cultural view of itself meant the appropriation of many "firsts" that rightly belonged to Asia. Winchester's latest book, though, is far from being a work of dry erudition or historical verification. Combining biography, discovery and travel in writing about the life and times of a fierce and eminent scholar, Winchester avoids any whiff of academia in a work likely to reach a broad spectrum of readers.
Needham's research unearthed some interesting facts that would almost single-handedly place China at the forefront of human civilization. Among these was the revelation that printing was a common practice in China at least six centuries before its purported invention in Gutenberg, and that the Chinese were early on able to cast iron and smelt it with coal, allowing for the making of much more durable pots, pans and tools. Their invention of the chain led to the first construction of iron and suspension bridges. Three hundred years later, thanks to assiduous notes made by Marco Polo, the Italians would reproduce the segmented arch bridge, another Chinese first.
Needham was able to establish that the Chinese invented, among other things, the abacus, magnetic compass, the wheelbarrow, fishing reel, kite, umbrella, calipers and gunpowder. Other inventions like playing cards, fireworks, perfumed toilet paper and fine porcelain were created for pleasure and graceful living. Massive contributions to architecture, painting, agriculture, metallurgy, biochemistry, pharmacology, medicine, and the science of nutrition were authenticated.
Arguably, Needham's ultimate achievement was not simply to restore Chinese science and civilization to its rightful place, but to confront the venomous mix of racial aversion and cultural arrogance that formed the basis of the West's conviction of its intellectual and cultural supremacy.
Originally planned as a single volume, "Science and Civilization in China" grew into an opus magnum that continues to expand today. Needham once wrote, "I sometimes despair that we will ever find our way successfully through the inchoate mass of ideas and facts." Remarkably, he did.
Ripping yarn of the oddball genius who uncovered China's greatest secrets
By STEPHEN MANSFIELD
BOMB, BOOK & COMPASS: Joseph Needham and the Great Secrets of China, by Simon Winchester. Penguin, 317 pp., ¥2,100 (hardcover)
There are certain extraordinary people whose lives are by no means pre-ordained. Joseph Needham was one such person. One of the world's leading biochemists, he would go on to become a renowned China scholar. Needham was a product of the Cambridge of the 1930s, a sexually tolerant, socially progressive world that was happy to accommodate his academic shifts, studied eccentricity and leftwing activism.
Needham enjoyed a privileged life there, a degree of license inconceivable to the average British person in an age when it was still possible in some circles to cause outrage by voicing support for Darwinian theories. If you were sufficiently brilliant at what you did, though, it was possible to be both a scholar and Bohemian at Cambridge without ruffling too many of its gerontocracy's feathers. An advocate of sexual liberation, he would enjoy an "open marriage" with his equally tolerant partner, while simultaneously maintaining a Chinese mistress and a number of other dalliances.
In 1954, the bespectacled and owlish Needham would publish the first volume of his masterpiece "Science and Civilization in China," a work regarded as the foremost explication of China ever produced. The transition from biochemist to celebrated Sinologist did not happen overnight, but at a pace that will leave the reader of Simon Winchester's account reeling.
Needham's sedulous character allowed him to work unnaturally long hours, doggedly punching away at the keys of his old Remington typewriter. The range of his interests — the British press described him at one time as a latter-day Erasmus — implied an eclectic mind and a massive capacity for learning, just the sort of person to undertake a task of such monumentality as not.
Needham was smitten with China even before his first trip there in 1943 on a mission funded by the British government. It was a felicitous one. Tasked with finding out what Chinese scientists and academics needed to continue their work in a country torn apart by war, this unlikely Cambridge don was flown over the dangerous air bridge between China and India known as the Hump, and dropped into Chongqing, the proxy capital of a country at war with Japan. The China mission provided him with the perfect opportunity to collect material for his book.
In executing his commission, he hoped to operate independently from the type of foreigners who infested the country at the time: the missionaries, expatriate bureaucrats, businessmen, and execrable "old China hands."
The Chinese scientific community was clearly in dire straits. Needham had heard accounts of the resourcefulness of those working in laboratories in rural areas, the recycling and repairing, the improvisations that spoke of their poverty.
The assistance that Britain gave was invaluable but also, perhaps, an opportunity to redeem itself. Quite what long-term impact Britain's largess had on improving its image as a former colonial land-grabber, disseminator of opium and sacker of the summer palace outside of Beijing, though, is difficult to measure. The mission at least was one of its less ignoble dealings with the Middle Kingdom.
Winchester's long years as a correspondent in Asia make him an astute interpreter of Needham and China, and his subject's theory that the West's inflated cultural view of itself meant the appropriation of many "firsts" that rightly belonged to Asia. Winchester's latest book, though, is far from being a work of dry erudition or historical verification. Combining biography, discovery and travel in writing about the life and times of a fierce and eminent scholar, Winchester avoids any whiff of academia in a work likely to reach a broad spectrum of readers.
Needham's research unearthed some interesting facts that would almost single-handedly place China at the forefront of human civilization. Among these was the revelation that printing was a common practice in China at least six centuries before its purported invention in Gutenberg, and that the Chinese were early on able to cast iron and smelt it with coal, allowing for the making of much more durable pots, pans and tools. Their invention of the chain led to the first construction of iron and suspension bridges. Three hundred years later, thanks to assiduous notes made by Marco Polo, the Italians would reproduce the segmented arch bridge, another Chinese first.
Needham was able to establish that the Chinese invented, among other things, the abacus, magnetic compass, the wheelbarrow, fishing reel, kite, umbrella, calipers and gunpowder. Other inventions like playing cards, fireworks, perfumed toilet paper and fine porcelain were created for pleasure and graceful living. Massive contributions to architecture, painting, agriculture, metallurgy, biochemistry, pharmacology, medicine, and the science of nutrition were authenticated.
Arguably, Needham's ultimate achievement was not simply to restore Chinese science and civilization to its rightful place, but to confront the venomous mix of racial aversion and cultural arrogance that formed the basis of the West's conviction of its intellectual and cultural supremacy.
Originally planned as a single volume, "Science and Civilization in China" grew into an opus magnum that continues to expand today. Needham once wrote, "I sometimes despair that we will ever find our way successfully through the inchoate mass of ideas and facts." Remarkably, he did.
Japanese govt's coalition partner rejects new US base proposal
Japanese govt's coalition partner rejects new US base proposal
Posted: 24 October 2009 1325 hrs
TOKYO: A coalition partner of Japan's centre-left government on Saturday voiced opposition to a fresh proposal for keeping a controversial US base within the southern Japanese island of Okinawa.
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said on Friday the Marine Corps Futenma Air Base should not be moved off Okinawa, but could be merged with other US military facilities in the island.
But Mizuho Fukushima, head of the Social Democratic Party, one of the two minor coalition parties, rejected the proposal and insisted that the base must be moved off the island.
"I oppose the hasty and coercive proposal," Fukushima told reporters. "We should not be in a hurry even if it takes some time before reaching a final conclusion."
The government has previously said it will review a 2006 agreement to move the base from a crowded urban to a coastal area of Okinawa by 2014, and has even suggested the facility be moved off the island.
A row over the planned relocation cast a shadow on the Japan-US security alliance ahead of the first visit by US President Barack Obama to Japan on November 12-13.
US Defence Secretary Robert Gates bluntly pressed Japan to "move on" quickly with the previously agreed plans to move Futenma operations to the coastal area near the US Camp Schwab site, central Okinawa.
The United States, which defeated Japan in World War II, now has 47,000 troops stationed there, more than half of them on Okinawa, the site of one of the bloodiest battles of the war.
- AFP/so
Posted: 24 October 2009 1325 hrs
TOKYO: A coalition partner of Japan's centre-left government on Saturday voiced opposition to a fresh proposal for keeping a controversial US base within the southern Japanese island of Okinawa.
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said on Friday the Marine Corps Futenma Air Base should not be moved off Okinawa, but could be merged with other US military facilities in the island.
But Mizuho Fukushima, head of the Social Democratic Party, one of the two minor coalition parties, rejected the proposal and insisted that the base must be moved off the island.
"I oppose the hasty and coercive proposal," Fukushima told reporters. "We should not be in a hurry even if it takes some time before reaching a final conclusion."
The government has previously said it will review a 2006 agreement to move the base from a crowded urban to a coastal area of Okinawa by 2014, and has even suggested the facility be moved off the island.
A row over the planned relocation cast a shadow on the Japan-US security alliance ahead of the first visit by US President Barack Obama to Japan on November 12-13.
US Defence Secretary Robert Gates bluntly pressed Japan to "move on" quickly with the previously agreed plans to move Futenma operations to the coastal area near the US Camp Schwab site, central Okinawa.
The United States, which defeated Japan in World War II, now has 47,000 troops stationed there, more than half of them on Okinawa, the site of one of the bloodiest battles of the war.
- AFP/so
Japan pushes for East Asia bloc, US role uncertain
Japan pushes for East Asia bloc, US role uncertain
Sat Oct 24, 2009 9:47am EDT
By Jason Szep and Yoko Nishikawa
HUA HIN, Thailand, Oct 24 (Reuters) - Japan's prime minister backed a U.S. role for a proposed EU-style Asian community on Saturday, telling Southeast Asian leaders Tokyo's alliance with Washington was at the heart of its diplomacy.
Making a case for an East Asian Community at a summit of Asian leaders in Thailand, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said there should be some U.S. involvement in the bloc, which faces stiff obstacles including Japan's historic rivalry with China.
It was unclear how a U.S. role would work. But the comment may help allay concern in some countries that such a body would ultimately fail by shutting out the world's biggest economy.
Hatoyama may also be trying to defuse U.S.-Japan tension over the long-planned reorganisation of the American military presence in Japan, the first big test of ties between Washington and the new Japanese government.
"Japan places the U.S.-Japan alliance at the foundation of its diplomacy," Hatoyama said at the meeting, according to a Japanese government spokesman.
"I would like to firmly promote regional cooperation in East Asia with a long-term vision of forming an East Asian Community." Several Southeast Asian leaders expressed support for the bloc, but none spoke of a U.S. role at the meetings.
The talks are part of a three-day leaders' summit which got off to a rancorous start on Friday, marred by a diplomatic spat between Thailand and neighbour Cambodia, a trade feud over Filipino rice and a few no-shows in the 10-member Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
China had a very different message at the meetings, signalling possible trouble ahead for Hatoyama. While he promoted a new community, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao focused on the current one, delivering what Chinese state media described as a six-point proposal for strengthening links with ASEAN.
This included developing a recently signed China-ASEAN free trade pact and accelerating regional infrastructure construction.
MYANMAR, NORTH KOREA
An ASEAN statement summing up talks within its own members urged its most recalcitrant state, Myanmar, to ensure elections next year are free and fair, though it stopped short of seeking the release of detained pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
That came a day after ASEAN launched a human rights commission as part of a plan to build an economic and political community by 2015, and drew a scathing rebuke from rights activists who said it was toothless and lacked independence.
The region's leaders also called on North Korea to return to six-way nuclear disarmament talks.
The summit in the resort town of Hua Hin gave Asia's economic titans, China and Japan, a chance to jockey for influence in Southeast Asia, a region of 570 million people with a combined $1.1 trillion economy, as it pulls out of recession.
Japan's new government sees its influence bound to the East Asian Community, an idea inspired by the European Union that would account for nearly a quarter of global economic output.
It would encompass Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand, along with ASEAN countries.
After meetings with China, Japan and South Korea, ASEAN holds talks on Sunday with India, Australia and New Zealand.
Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on Sunday will push another idea for a new, separate forum of Asia-Pacific nations to respond to regional crises. His idea includes the United States.
Washington has stepped up Asian diplomacy under the Obama administration and fears missing out on such groupings, especially as Japan considers redefining its U.S. security alliance, and Beijing expands its diplomatic and trade presence.
Exactly how Washington would participate is uncertain.
Asked if Washington would be a member of the Community, a Japanese government official told reporters: "It remains unclear. We have to see how multilateral meetings will turn out today."
The proposal wasn't elaborated upon, said Mari Elka Pangestu, trade minister of Indonesia, Southeast Asia's biggest economy. "How the U.S. participates -- because the U.S. is one of our dialogue partners -- we need to think through."
China has been coy about the idea while rapidly expanding ties across Southeast Asia -- from building sleek new government offices in Cambodia to working closely with reclusive Myanmar.
"China wants to establish healthy relations with the new government in Japan, so it is not going to object to discussing this idea," said Shi Yinhong, a regional security professor at Beijing's Renmin University.
"But everybody understands the idea of an East Asia Community is extremely far off," he added.
Host Thailand deployed about 18,000 security personnel backed by military gunships, determined to avoid a rerun of mishaps at past summits.
(Additional reporting by Chris Buckley in Beijing; Writing by Jason Szep; Editing by Jeremy Laurence)
© Thomson Reuters 2009 All rights reserved
Sat Oct 24, 2009 9:47am EDT
By Jason Szep and Yoko Nishikawa
HUA HIN, Thailand, Oct 24 (Reuters) - Japan's prime minister backed a U.S. role for a proposed EU-style Asian community on Saturday, telling Southeast Asian leaders Tokyo's alliance with Washington was at the heart of its diplomacy.
Making a case for an East Asian Community at a summit of Asian leaders in Thailand, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said there should be some U.S. involvement in the bloc, which faces stiff obstacles including Japan's historic rivalry with China.
It was unclear how a U.S. role would work. But the comment may help allay concern in some countries that such a body would ultimately fail by shutting out the world's biggest economy.
Hatoyama may also be trying to defuse U.S.-Japan tension over the long-planned reorganisation of the American military presence in Japan, the first big test of ties between Washington and the new Japanese government.
"Japan places the U.S.-Japan alliance at the foundation of its diplomacy," Hatoyama said at the meeting, according to a Japanese government spokesman.
"I would like to firmly promote regional cooperation in East Asia with a long-term vision of forming an East Asian Community." Several Southeast Asian leaders expressed support for the bloc, but none spoke of a U.S. role at the meetings.
The talks are part of a three-day leaders' summit which got off to a rancorous start on Friday, marred by a diplomatic spat between Thailand and neighbour Cambodia, a trade feud over Filipino rice and a few no-shows in the 10-member Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
China had a very different message at the meetings, signalling possible trouble ahead for Hatoyama. While he promoted a new community, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao focused on the current one, delivering what Chinese state media described as a six-point proposal for strengthening links with ASEAN.
This included developing a recently signed China-ASEAN free trade pact and accelerating regional infrastructure construction.
MYANMAR, NORTH KOREA
An ASEAN statement summing up talks within its own members urged its most recalcitrant state, Myanmar, to ensure elections next year are free and fair, though it stopped short of seeking the release of detained pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
That came a day after ASEAN launched a human rights commission as part of a plan to build an economic and political community by 2015, and drew a scathing rebuke from rights activists who said it was toothless and lacked independence.
The region's leaders also called on North Korea to return to six-way nuclear disarmament talks.
The summit in the resort town of Hua Hin gave Asia's economic titans, China and Japan, a chance to jockey for influence in Southeast Asia, a region of 570 million people with a combined $1.1 trillion economy, as it pulls out of recession.
Japan's new government sees its influence bound to the East Asian Community, an idea inspired by the European Union that would account for nearly a quarter of global economic output.
It would encompass Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand, along with ASEAN countries.
After meetings with China, Japan and South Korea, ASEAN holds talks on Sunday with India, Australia and New Zealand.
Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on Sunday will push another idea for a new, separate forum of Asia-Pacific nations to respond to regional crises. His idea includes the United States.
Washington has stepped up Asian diplomacy under the Obama administration and fears missing out on such groupings, especially as Japan considers redefining its U.S. security alliance, and Beijing expands its diplomatic and trade presence.
Exactly how Washington would participate is uncertain.
Asked if Washington would be a member of the Community, a Japanese government official told reporters: "It remains unclear. We have to see how multilateral meetings will turn out today."
The proposal wasn't elaborated upon, said Mari Elka Pangestu, trade minister of Indonesia, Southeast Asia's biggest economy. "How the U.S. participates -- because the U.S. is one of our dialogue partners -- we need to think through."
China has been coy about the idea while rapidly expanding ties across Southeast Asia -- from building sleek new government offices in Cambodia to working closely with reclusive Myanmar.
"China wants to establish healthy relations with the new government in Japan, so it is not going to object to discussing this idea," said Shi Yinhong, a regional security professor at Beijing's Renmin University.
"But everybody understands the idea of an East Asia Community is extremely far off," he added.
Host Thailand deployed about 18,000 security personnel backed by military gunships, determined to avoid a rerun of mishaps at past summits.
(Additional reporting by Chris Buckley in Beijing; Writing by Jason Szep; Editing by Jeremy Laurence)
© Thomson Reuters 2009 All rights reserved
Q+A - What is Japan's East Asia Community
Q+A - What is Japan's East Asia Community?
Sat Oct 24, 2009 3:51am EDT
By Yoko Nishikawa
HUA HIN, Thailand (Reuters) - Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama will pitch his idea of an East Asian Community, inspired by the example of the European Union, when he meets his Asian counterparts this weekend.
Asian leaders are in Thailand for the "East Asia Summit," bringing together the 10-member Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand.
WHY IS JAPAN PUSHING THE IDEA NOW?
Hatoyama, who took office last month after a landslide election victory, wants to put greater emphasis on Japan's ties with Asia while steering a diplomatic course more independent of the United States, Japan's most important security ally.
As its economic might declines as the population ages, Japan needs Asia's growing economic power for future growth.
Some analysts say Tokyo wants to draw China into regional arrangements as it fears losing its first-class status in the region amid talk of a "G2" arrangement under which Washington and Beijing shape the global economy. Economists expect China to replace Japan as the world's No.2 economy, possibly next year.
WHY DOES IT MATTER?
Intra-regional trade among member states of the East Asia Summit has grown three-fold over the past decade and accounts for 54 percent of their total trade, higher than that of North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
The GDP of East Asia Summit members combined now accounts for around 23 percent of the world's total output.
In addition to increasing economic interdependence, Asia has many issues to tackle together, including the financial crisis, outbreaks of H1N1 flu, climate change and natural disasters.
IS THE IDEA NEW?
Not really. The idea of a regional Asian grouping is the brainchild of former Malaysian premier Mahathir Mohamad, who proposed an East Asian Economic Caucus in 1990 -- a notion that some pundits called the caucus without the Caucasians.
Japan's push to create a home-grown Asian Monetary Fund to help troubled Asian economies in 1997 was quashed by the United States, just like Mahathir's EAEC proposal.
The East Asia Summit started in 2005, building on leaders' meetings held since 1997 by ASEAN plus China, Japan and South Korea. But the group is struggling to forge a strong identity.
WHO WILL BE INVOLVED IN THE EAST ASIA COMMUNITY?
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has envisaged opening membership to Japan, China, South Korea, ASEAN, Australia, New Zealand, and India -- the same members as the East Asia Summit.
But he has recently toned down his comments, saying there is no immediate need for concrete details, and has tried to soothe worries in Washington about the United States being excluded.
WILL IT EVER FLY?
Critics say the regional concept is pie-in-the-sky, but some argue that with Japan's new push, the idea could gain momentum.
Tokyo acknowledges that it will take decades to boost political integration and create a common currency in a politically, culturally and economically diverse region.
Japan hopes to first deepen economic ties and then take a step-by-step approach to boosting cooperation in other areas such as the environment, energy and influenza. It says sharing a common vision for the regional community will help Asia overcome friction more easily. But Japan's Okada has said it is hard at the moment to envisage a security agreement like NATO in Asia.
To make it viable, Tokyo needs to build trust with Beijing, given China's bitter memories of Japan's wartime occupation, the economic competition between the two and mutual mistrust over their militaries.
Rivalry over who would take the leading role as well as how to define the U.S. role in the scheme could become hurdles.
Washington has been wary about fresh talk on Asia's regional bloc, but Tokyo says it is a long-term vision and the U.S.-Japan alliance remains the foundation of Japan's diplomacy.
ANY IMPACT ON DOLLAR'S ROLE AS KEY CURRENCY?
Hatoyama has said his vision for an East Asian Community with a future goal of creating a common currency was not meant to diminish the role of the dollar, but market concerns linger.
The idea has always been touchy within Asia. Asian finance ministers a few years ago studied ways to create regional currency units as indicators to better monitor their currency movements, but the debate stirred controversy in some countries.
(Editing by Jeremy Laurence)
© Thomson Reuters 2009 All rights reserved
Sat Oct 24, 2009 3:51am EDT
By Yoko Nishikawa
HUA HIN, Thailand (Reuters) - Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama will pitch his idea of an East Asian Community, inspired by the example of the European Union, when he meets his Asian counterparts this weekend.
Asian leaders are in Thailand for the "East Asia Summit," bringing together the 10-member Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand.
WHY IS JAPAN PUSHING THE IDEA NOW?
Hatoyama, who took office last month after a landslide election victory, wants to put greater emphasis on Japan's ties with Asia while steering a diplomatic course more independent of the United States, Japan's most important security ally.
As its economic might declines as the population ages, Japan needs Asia's growing economic power for future growth.
Some analysts say Tokyo wants to draw China into regional arrangements as it fears losing its first-class status in the region amid talk of a "G2" arrangement under which Washington and Beijing shape the global economy. Economists expect China to replace Japan as the world's No.2 economy, possibly next year.
WHY DOES IT MATTER?
Intra-regional trade among member states of the East Asia Summit has grown three-fold over the past decade and accounts for 54 percent of their total trade, higher than that of North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
The GDP of East Asia Summit members combined now accounts for around 23 percent of the world's total output.
In addition to increasing economic interdependence, Asia has many issues to tackle together, including the financial crisis, outbreaks of H1N1 flu, climate change and natural disasters.
IS THE IDEA NEW?
Not really. The idea of a regional Asian grouping is the brainchild of former Malaysian premier Mahathir Mohamad, who proposed an East Asian Economic Caucus in 1990 -- a notion that some pundits called the caucus without the Caucasians.
Japan's push to create a home-grown Asian Monetary Fund to help troubled Asian economies in 1997 was quashed by the United States, just like Mahathir's EAEC proposal.
The East Asia Summit started in 2005, building on leaders' meetings held since 1997 by ASEAN plus China, Japan and South Korea. But the group is struggling to forge a strong identity.
WHO WILL BE INVOLVED IN THE EAST ASIA COMMUNITY?
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has envisaged opening membership to Japan, China, South Korea, ASEAN, Australia, New Zealand, and India -- the same members as the East Asia Summit.
But he has recently toned down his comments, saying there is no immediate need for concrete details, and has tried to soothe worries in Washington about the United States being excluded.
WILL IT EVER FLY?
Critics say the regional concept is pie-in-the-sky, but some argue that with Japan's new push, the idea could gain momentum.
Tokyo acknowledges that it will take decades to boost political integration and create a common currency in a politically, culturally and economically diverse region.
Japan hopes to first deepen economic ties and then take a step-by-step approach to boosting cooperation in other areas such as the environment, energy and influenza. It says sharing a common vision for the regional community will help Asia overcome friction more easily. But Japan's Okada has said it is hard at the moment to envisage a security agreement like NATO in Asia.
To make it viable, Tokyo needs to build trust with Beijing, given China's bitter memories of Japan's wartime occupation, the economic competition between the two and mutual mistrust over their militaries.
Rivalry over who would take the leading role as well as how to define the U.S. role in the scheme could become hurdles.
Washington has been wary about fresh talk on Asia's regional bloc, but Tokyo says it is a long-term vision and the U.S.-Japan alliance remains the foundation of Japan's diplomacy.
ANY IMPACT ON DOLLAR'S ROLE AS KEY CURRENCY?
Hatoyama has said his vision for an East Asian Community with a future goal of creating a common currency was not meant to diminish the role of the dollar, but market concerns linger.
The idea has always been touchy within Asia. Asian finance ministers a few years ago studied ways to create regional currency units as indicators to better monitor their currency movements, but the debate stirred controversy in some countries.
(Editing by Jeremy Laurence)
© Thomson Reuters 2009 All rights reserved
Exhibition of Traditional Japanese Doll – Ningyo to be held in Tbilisi Today
Exhibition of Traditional Japanese Doll – Ningyo to be held in Tbilisi Today
Embassy of Japan in Georgia presents its first cultural event, the exhibition of traditional Japanese dolls – ningyo with the cooperation from Georgian National Museum.
Exhibition will start today and be finished on 1 November.
The exhibition represents a great opportunity of introducing this aspect of Japanese culture and art in Georgia. Dolls presented on this exhibition are from the private collection of Mrs. Ambassador - Junko Kamohara.
The Japanese word ningyo literally means human figure, but it is commonly translated as ‘doll’. Most of the traditional ningyo are not intended for children but are afforded some level of respect or even admiration. From the earliest times, wide variety of figures carved into the human shape fulfilled a multitude of functions over the course of Japanese history. These included: fertility talisman, ritual substitution in funerary rites, amulet to protect children, temporary lodging place for spirits invoked to bless and protect the home, special gift conveying auspicious wishes or commemorating specific occasions, and sometimes child’s plaything and companion.
In the early 11th century, around the peak of the Heian period, the first dolls bearing resemblance to those of present day were made. Japanese doll culture arguably reached its zenith during the Edo period. The necessity of the ningyo grew day by day. Wealthy people played an important role in this process since they were buying beautiful doll sets for displaying them in their houses or as valuable gifts. Due to growing demand for the ningyo, sets of dolls came to include larger and more elaborate figures.
There are various types of Japanese dolls — image of children, babies, the imperial court warriors and heroes, and also people of the daily life of Japanese cities. Many have a long tradition and are still made today. For instance:
Isho-Ningyo, or the "fashion doll" is perhaps the most diverse and layered of the many categories of Japanese dolls. Originally depicting beautiful women and popular actors, they emerged in the latter part of the 17th century.
Musha-Ningyo is a warrior doll, which is embodying the martial spirit of the samurai.
Hina –Ningyo is perhaps the most classic of Japanese ningyo, which are typically displayed only during the Hina-matsuri (Girl’s Day). Hina-ningyo is a set of 15 dolls
Ichimatsu-ningyo comes closest to the western concept of a play doll. This type of doll represents little girls or boys, correctly proportioned and usually with flesh-colored skin and glass eyes.
Hakata-ningyo are made from clay. One striking characteristic of the dolls is the uniquely smooth transparent feeling of the white skin.
Kokeshi-ningyo are simple play dolls, which are considered a folk art.
Takeda-Ningyo is a dramatic doll, communicating the pathos and intense emotions, are positioned on stands. Takeda-ningyo became popular in Japan from the 19th century.
Kimekomi-Ningyo is a technique of doll making in which the doll form is carved of wood and then covered with pieces of fabric which are inserted into slits in the wood you give the illusion of clothing. This method can be so well done that until touching figure, it seems as if the doll is wearing regular clothing.
Interpressnews
2009.10.23 16:07
Embassy of Japan in Georgia presents its first cultural event, the exhibition of traditional Japanese dolls – ningyo with the cooperation from Georgian National Museum.
Exhibition will start today and be finished on 1 November.
The exhibition represents a great opportunity of introducing this aspect of Japanese culture and art in Georgia. Dolls presented on this exhibition are from the private collection of Mrs. Ambassador - Junko Kamohara.
The Japanese word ningyo literally means human figure, but it is commonly translated as ‘doll’. Most of the traditional ningyo are not intended for children but are afforded some level of respect or even admiration. From the earliest times, wide variety of figures carved into the human shape fulfilled a multitude of functions over the course of Japanese history. These included: fertility talisman, ritual substitution in funerary rites, amulet to protect children, temporary lodging place for spirits invoked to bless and protect the home, special gift conveying auspicious wishes or commemorating specific occasions, and sometimes child’s plaything and companion.
In the early 11th century, around the peak of the Heian period, the first dolls bearing resemblance to those of present day were made. Japanese doll culture arguably reached its zenith during the Edo period. The necessity of the ningyo grew day by day. Wealthy people played an important role in this process since they were buying beautiful doll sets for displaying them in their houses or as valuable gifts. Due to growing demand for the ningyo, sets of dolls came to include larger and more elaborate figures.
There are various types of Japanese dolls — image of children, babies, the imperial court warriors and heroes, and also people of the daily life of Japanese cities. Many have a long tradition and are still made today. For instance:
Isho-Ningyo, or the "fashion doll" is perhaps the most diverse and layered of the many categories of Japanese dolls. Originally depicting beautiful women and popular actors, they emerged in the latter part of the 17th century.
Musha-Ningyo is a warrior doll, which is embodying the martial spirit of the samurai.
Hina –Ningyo is perhaps the most classic of Japanese ningyo, which are typically displayed only during the Hina-matsuri (Girl’s Day). Hina-ningyo is a set of 15 dolls
Ichimatsu-ningyo comes closest to the western concept of a play doll. This type of doll represents little girls or boys, correctly proportioned and usually with flesh-colored skin and glass eyes.
Hakata-ningyo are made from clay. One striking characteristic of the dolls is the uniquely smooth transparent feeling of the white skin.
Kokeshi-ningyo are simple play dolls, which are considered a folk art.
Takeda-Ningyo is a dramatic doll, communicating the pathos and intense emotions, are positioned on stands. Takeda-ningyo became popular in Japan from the 19th century.
Kimekomi-Ningyo is a technique of doll making in which the doll form is carved of wood and then covered with pieces of fabric which are inserted into slits in the wood you give the illusion of clothing. This method can be so well done that until touching figure, it seems as if the doll is wearing regular clothing.
Interpressnews
2009.10.23 16:07
Family register defines reality
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
READERS IN COUNCIL
Family register defines reality
By DARRYL McGARRY
Sydney, Australia
I read with consternation William Wetherall's Oct. 11 letter, "Passive influence on family law," which assessed the weight of the family register (koseki) in the Japanese bureaucratic and legal system. From personal experience, the overriding importance given to the family register by Japanese authorities in making life-influencing decisions is not something that can be readily diminished and described as "passive."
The Japanese system is built around such documents filed at the ward office. And the courts do not take adjustments to the koseki lightly. The koseki and the culture about it, particularly for foreigners, can be the source of all sorts of problems. It is the meter by which bureaucrats and the courts measure relationships. It defines the world for bureaucrats, a world that is separate from the real one. It is regarded as a strength and an efficiency of the Japanese system.
Go see what your local ward office says about the koseki. Talk to the minister of justice. After having spent years in court contesting decisions made about the koseki in Japan, I am quite certain about its overbearing influence in Japanese life. I found it to be the document that certifies everything. As for questions regarding the koseki, extra-nationals are set behind the eight ball from the word go!
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
READERS IN COUNCIL
Family register defines reality
By DARRYL McGARRY
Sydney, Australia
I read with consternation William Wetherall's Oct. 11 letter, "Passive influence on family law," which assessed the weight of the family register (koseki) in the Japanese bureaucratic and legal system. From personal experience, the overriding importance given to the family register by Japanese authorities in making life-influencing decisions is not something that can be readily diminished and described as "passive."
The Japanese system is built around such documents filed at the ward office. And the courts do not take adjustments to the koseki lightly. The koseki and the culture about it, particularly for foreigners, can be the source of all sorts of problems. It is the meter by which bureaucrats and the courts measure relationships. It defines the world for bureaucrats, a world that is separate from the real one. It is regarded as a strength and an efficiency of the Japanese system.
Go see what your local ward office says about the koseki. Talk to the minister of justice. After having spent years in court contesting decisions made about the koseki in Japan, I am quite certain about its overbearing influence in Japanese life. I found it to be the document that certifies everything. As for questions regarding the koseki, extra-nationals are set behind the eight ball from the word go!
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
US imposes news sanctions against DPRK
US imposes news sanctions against DPRK
(Xinhua)
Updated: 2009-10-24 02:43
The United States on Friday froze the assets of a bank of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), further beefing up its financial sanctions against the country.
The latest US sanctions against Pyongyang targeted the Amroggang Development Bank, which was controlled by the DPRK's Tanchon Commercial Bank, an institution blacklisted and sanctioned by Washington.
The Amroggang Development Bank is "a proliferator of weapons of mass destruction," the US Department of Treasury said in a statement.
"As long as North Korea continues to try to evade sanctions and obscure its illicit proliferation transactions, we will take steps to combat that activity and protect the integrity of the international financial system," Stuart Levey, undersecretary of the Treasury Department, said in the statement.
US Secretary of State Hillary R. Clinton said on Wednesday that the United States will not have normal ties with the DPRK or relax its sanctions against the country until Pyongyang abandons nuclear arms.
"Current sanctions will not be relaxed until Pyongyang takes verifiable, irreversible steps toward complete denuclearization," Clinton said in a policy address to the United States Institutes of Peace.
(Xinhua)
Updated: 2009-10-24 02:43
The United States on Friday froze the assets of a bank of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), further beefing up its financial sanctions against the country.
The latest US sanctions against Pyongyang targeted the Amroggang Development Bank, which was controlled by the DPRK's Tanchon Commercial Bank, an institution blacklisted and sanctioned by Washington.
The Amroggang Development Bank is "a proliferator of weapons of mass destruction," the US Department of Treasury said in a statement.
"As long as North Korea continues to try to evade sanctions and obscure its illicit proliferation transactions, we will take steps to combat that activity and protect the integrity of the international financial system," Stuart Levey, undersecretary of the Treasury Department, said in the statement.
US Secretary of State Hillary R. Clinton said on Wednesday that the United States will not have normal ties with the DPRK or relax its sanctions against the country until Pyongyang abandons nuclear arms.
"Current sanctions will not be relaxed until Pyongyang takes verifiable, irreversible steps toward complete denuclearization," Clinton said in a policy address to the United States Institutes of Peace.
Army leader to tour US military sites
Army leader to tour US military sites
By Peng Kuang and Li Xiaokun (China Daily)
Updated: 2009-10-24 09:35
The US military will give a tour of several sensitive military sites, including the strategic command headquarters in charge of nuclear weapons and cyber war, to a top Chinese military leader who will begin his visit there on Saturday, a senior Chinese military officer said.
Chinese military experts said the move by the Pentagon is a small but significant step to show sincerity to the Chinese military, which has been observed and questioned by the US military for years.
During the 11-day visit, vice-chairman of the People's Liberation Army's top command Xu Caihou will visit the Pacific Command, Strategic Command, several army and naval bases and a naval academy, said the director of the Defense Ministry's Foreign Affairs Office Qian Lihua in an interview on Friday with China Daily.
Xu will also meet US military and political leaders including Defense Secretary Robert Gates, he said.
"This is the first time for a leader of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China to visit the US under the Obama administration, and also the most important program in Sino-US military exchanges this year," Qian said, adding Xu will take Beijing's "concrete suggestions on the next step to develop relations between the two militaries."
Peng Guangqian, a Beijing-based senior military strategist, said Xu's visit is the first time for a Chinese military leader to visit the US Strategic Command.
Inviting Xu to visit the sensitive military sites is a signal that the US military is willing to promote mutual trust, said Major General Luo Yuan, a senior researcher with the Academy of Military Sciences.
But Qian on Friday also said ties between the two militaries are still under the shadow cast by the Pentagon's unfriendly moves toward China, ranging from the US Congress' restrictions on exchanges between the two armed forces in 12 areas, to frequent appearances of US planes and naval ships in China's exclusive economic zone.
"You'll notice that there are just one-way (military) visits, from US to China this year. That exposes some difficulties in relations between the two, which prevents the ties from turning to the normal level," he said.
Military exchanges between the two countries stopped in October 2008 following a massive US arms deal with Taiwan.
China has noticed a kind of sincerity from the US military since Obama took office, Qian said. But whether or not that momentum will last depends upon whether the US would "truly respect key interests and concerns of China."
He believed the only way to solve the problem is to strengthen dialogue and cooperation.
He also called for proper handle of sensitive issues, such as the Taiwan issue.
"We hope the new government advocating 'change' will adopt new thinking patterns, new perspectives and new methods" in dealing with relations with China, he said.
He also mentioned the "transparency" issue that the US always brings up, saying military transparency is based on mutual trust.
"China is totally transparent in strategic intention," he said. "But no country in the world is absolutely transparent in military as it's related to national security."
"The issue of transparency will not be settled until the issue of mutual trust is solved," he said.
So far transparency has become an excuse for putting limits on China, Peng said. "Now the discussion is not focused on transparency itself," he said.
By Peng Kuang and Li Xiaokun (China Daily)
Updated: 2009-10-24 09:35
The US military will give a tour of several sensitive military sites, including the strategic command headquarters in charge of nuclear weapons and cyber war, to a top Chinese military leader who will begin his visit there on Saturday, a senior Chinese military officer said.
Chinese military experts said the move by the Pentagon is a small but significant step to show sincerity to the Chinese military, which has been observed and questioned by the US military for years.
During the 11-day visit, vice-chairman of the People's Liberation Army's top command Xu Caihou will visit the Pacific Command, Strategic Command, several army and naval bases and a naval academy, said the director of the Defense Ministry's Foreign Affairs Office Qian Lihua in an interview on Friday with China Daily.
Xu will also meet US military and political leaders including Defense Secretary Robert Gates, he said.
"This is the first time for a leader of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China to visit the US under the Obama administration, and also the most important program in Sino-US military exchanges this year," Qian said, adding Xu will take Beijing's "concrete suggestions on the next step to develop relations between the two militaries."
Peng Guangqian, a Beijing-based senior military strategist, said Xu's visit is the first time for a Chinese military leader to visit the US Strategic Command.
Inviting Xu to visit the sensitive military sites is a signal that the US military is willing to promote mutual trust, said Major General Luo Yuan, a senior researcher with the Academy of Military Sciences.
But Qian on Friday also said ties between the two militaries are still under the shadow cast by the Pentagon's unfriendly moves toward China, ranging from the US Congress' restrictions on exchanges between the two armed forces in 12 areas, to frequent appearances of US planes and naval ships in China's exclusive economic zone.
"You'll notice that there are just one-way (military) visits, from US to China this year. That exposes some difficulties in relations between the two, which prevents the ties from turning to the normal level," he said.
Military exchanges between the two countries stopped in October 2008 following a massive US arms deal with Taiwan.
China has noticed a kind of sincerity from the US military since Obama took office, Qian said. But whether or not that momentum will last depends upon whether the US would "truly respect key interests and concerns of China."
He believed the only way to solve the problem is to strengthen dialogue and cooperation.
He also called for proper handle of sensitive issues, such as the Taiwan issue.
"We hope the new government advocating 'change' will adopt new thinking patterns, new perspectives and new methods" in dealing with relations with China, he said.
He also mentioned the "transparency" issue that the US always brings up, saying military transparency is based on mutual trust.
"China is totally transparent in strategic intention," he said. "But no country in the world is absolutely transparent in military as it's related to national security."
"The issue of transparency will not be settled until the issue of mutual trust is solved," he said.
So far transparency has become an excuse for putting limits on China, Peng said. "Now the discussion is not focused on transparency itself," he said.
Chinese Navy ship to visit Japan
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
Chinese Navy ship to visit Japan
BEIJING (AP) A Chinese Navy training ship will visit South Korea and Japan later this month as part of expanded military contacts between China and its neighbors.
The visit of the Zhenghe to the port of Kure, Hiroshima Prefecture, will be only the second by a Chinese naval vessel in recent times as the sides seek to overcome lingering mistrust.
Many Chinese continue to resent Japan's brutal invasion of much of the country, while some Japanese are wary of China's rise as a regional military power alongside its growing economic clout.
Commanded by Rear Adm. Liu Yi, the navy's deputy chief of staff, the ship will first call at the South Korean port of Chinhae on Thursday, the official Xinhua news agency reported Friday.
The ship's complement of 365 will include 230 cadets from four academies under the People's Liberation Army Navy who will carry out a series of exchanges with their South Korean and Japanese counterparts, the report said.
Long known for its secrecy and insularity, China's military has vastly stepped up exchanges with those of other countries in recent years, with a particular focus on Russia, Central Asia, and traditional allies such as Pakistan.
Contacts with Japan and South Korea have been less frequent, due to Beijing's wariness over their close treaty ties to the United States.
Chinese Navy ship to visit Japan
BEIJING (AP) A Chinese Navy training ship will visit South Korea and Japan later this month as part of expanded military contacts between China and its neighbors.
The visit of the Zhenghe to the port of Kure, Hiroshima Prefecture, will be only the second by a Chinese naval vessel in recent times as the sides seek to overcome lingering mistrust.
Many Chinese continue to resent Japan's brutal invasion of much of the country, while some Japanese are wary of China's rise as a regional military power alongside its growing economic clout.
Commanded by Rear Adm. Liu Yi, the navy's deputy chief of staff, the ship will first call at the South Korean port of Chinhae on Thursday, the official Xinhua news agency reported Friday.
The ship's complement of 365 will include 230 cadets from four academies under the People's Liberation Army Navy who will carry out a series of exchanges with their South Korean and Japanese counterparts, the report said.
Long known for its secrecy and insularity, China's military has vastly stepped up exchanges with those of other countries in recent years, with a particular focus on Russia, Central Asia, and traditional allies such as Pakistan.
Contacts with Japan and South Korea have been less frequent, due to Beijing's wariness over their close treaty ties to the United States.
Biggest threat in East Asia
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
READERS IN COUNCIL
Biggest threat in East Asia
By NAME WITHHELD
Naha, Okinawa
Regarding the Oct. 16 article "Clarifying the idea of community": Allow me to disabuse The Japan Times of its illusions and misconceptions. The East Asia community is to be located in East Asia; the European Union is located in Europe. If the East Asia community must have the United States as a member, why not insist that the EU have the U.S. as a member?
Because The Japan Times has always been blindly pro-U.S., it has incorrectly pointed out the threats in East Asia. Today the biggest threat in East Asia, or Asia as a whole — and no less on our Ryukyu (Okinawa) soil — is the presence of the American military bases. The U.S. presence in Asia places a tinderbox in our midst. U.S. domination of Japan precludes our nation from coming to terms with our past. Hiding behind the U.S., we have never sincerely searched our souls and apologized for our war crimes and atrocities or, I should say, "Yamato" (old name for Japan) crimes and atrocities. We Okinawans have borne the brunt of all of Tokyo's stupid policies.
Not until we sincerely and remorsefully apologize to our Asian neighbors will we truly be accepted in the East Asia community. It is time to rid Asia of the imperialistic presence of the U.S. Australia and New Zealand can choose to stay out since they've never considered themselves part of Asia.
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
READERS IN COUNCIL
Biggest threat in East Asia
By NAME WITHHELD
Naha, Okinawa
Regarding the Oct. 16 article "Clarifying the idea of community": Allow me to disabuse The Japan Times of its illusions and misconceptions. The East Asia community is to be located in East Asia; the European Union is located in Europe. If the East Asia community must have the United States as a member, why not insist that the EU have the U.S. as a member?
Because The Japan Times has always been blindly pro-U.S., it has incorrectly pointed out the threats in East Asia. Today the biggest threat in East Asia, or Asia as a whole — and no less on our Ryukyu (Okinawa) soil — is the presence of the American military bases. The U.S. presence in Asia places a tinderbox in our midst. U.S. domination of Japan precludes our nation from coming to terms with our past. Hiding behind the U.S., we have never sincerely searched our souls and apologized for our war crimes and atrocities or, I should say, "Yamato" (old name for Japan) crimes and atrocities. We Okinawans have borne the brunt of all of Tokyo's stupid policies.
Not until we sincerely and remorsefully apologize to our Asian neighbors will we truly be accepted in the East Asia community. It is time to rid Asia of the imperialistic presence of the U.S. Australia and New Zealand can choose to stay out since they've never considered themselves part of Asia.
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.
20% cut to bluefin catches OK'd
Sunday, Oct. 25, 2009
20% cut to bluefin catches OK'd
Kyodo News
An international group overseeing the conservation of southern bluefin tuna has agreed to reduce total catches of the dwindling fish in 2010 and 2011 by 20 percent from this year to 18,898 tons, the Fisheries Agency said Friday.
Japan will be allowed to catch 4,800 tons of tuna during the two years, compared with its annual quota of 3,000 tons in 2009, according to the accord worked out by the nine-member Commission for the Conservation of Southern Bluefin Tuna.
Bluefin tuna, which are being endangered by overfishing, are widely used in sushi and sashimi dishes. Most of the catches made by member countries are shipped to Japan.
Given the sharp increase in the bluefin tuna population around Japan due to the recession, the commission's decision is unlikely to cause sharp price hikes or otherwise impact consumption in the country, agency officials said.
20% cut to bluefin catches OK'd
Kyodo News
An international group overseeing the conservation of southern bluefin tuna has agreed to reduce total catches of the dwindling fish in 2010 and 2011 by 20 percent from this year to 18,898 tons, the Fisheries Agency said Friday.
Japan will be allowed to catch 4,800 tons of tuna during the two years, compared with its annual quota of 3,000 tons in 2009, according to the accord worked out by the nine-member Commission for the Conservation of Southern Bluefin Tuna.
Bluefin tuna, which are being endangered by overfishing, are widely used in sushi and sashimi dishes. Most of the catches made by member countries are shipped to Japan.
Given the sharp increase in the bluefin tuna population around Japan due to the recession, the commission's decision is unlikely to cause sharp price hikes or otherwise impact consumption in the country, agency officials said.
ASEAN diplomacy on fast track
ASEAN diplomacy on fast track
HUA HIN, Thailand - President Lee Myung-bak's weeklong visit to Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand bolstered Korea's relationship with Southeast Asia, a key pillar of his "New Asia Initiative." Lee elevated ties with Vietnam to a "strategic cooperative partnership" and clinched a range of cooperation agreements with Cambodia.
In Thailand, Lee and leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations confirmed "robust and vibrant" relations since the two sides launched a formal dialogue relationship 20 years ago. They agreed to consider upgrading the Korea-ASEAN relationship to a strategic partnership.
Lee returned to Seoul last night after wrapping up the tour with the East Asia Summit between ASEAN and its Asia-Pacific dialogue partners.
Lee championed the "New Asia Initiative" during his visit to Indonesia in March to diversify Korea's diplomatic front and bolster its influence in the fast-growing Asian bloc.
Despite geographic and cultural closeness, Southeast Asia had been widely sidelined in the nation's diplomatic portfolio as Korea narrowly focused its political ties on the four powers with strategic interest in the Korean Peninsula - the United States, China, Japan and Russia.
Leaders' declarations for bolstered ties with the region had rarely been followed up with practical diplomatic measures, leaving Korea-ASEAN ties both economic and cultural in nature and Korea's relationship with the regional bloc lagging behind China and Japan.
The two Northeast Asian powers have already made huge investments in, and given assistance to, the regional economies with high growth potential and rich natural resources.
Lee has aggressively pushed his Asia diplomacy as part of his "Global Korea" doctrine, which looks to the nation's greater role in regional and global spheres.
His Asia push culminated in June when he hosted a special summit with ASEAN leaders to commemorate 20 years of relations between the two sides.
During the summit, Lee announced a wide range of measures to boost cooperation, especially for Southeast Asia's development, green growth, cultural and people-to-people exchanges.
The two sides also declared closer ties in security issues and finalized five years of negotiations for a free trade agreement.
On Saturday, Lee and his ASEAN counterparts reviewed the progress in the agreements and discussed measures to advance future ties.
The leaders agreed to work together to promote their relationship to a higher level of strategic partnership in years to come as proposed by the Eminent Persons Group consisting of top experts from each country.
The group envisioned that political ties would advance reflecting the fast growing economic and cultural exchanges and to address new diplomatic and security challenges in the region and the world.
The total trade volume between ASEAN and Korea had substantially doubled in the last five years from $46.4 billion in 2004 to $90.2 billion in 2008, according to the EPG report.
Mutual investment amounted to $6.8 billion in 2008, which is more than five times the amount of $1.3 billion in 2004.
The number of visitors traveling between ASEAN and Korea has expanded by more than two-fold in the past five years, averaging four million people per year.
The EPG suggested that the partnership will evolve on the basis of their shared values symbolized by FEEL (Fellowship, Education, Environment, Liberalized Trade) Asia "as a basis for building the regional architecture process in East Asia and a beacon for us and for others to strive toward."
During the Saturday summit, the leaders confirmed their June commitment to increase bilateral trade from $90.2 billion in 2008 to $150 billion by 2015. Lee also reaffirmed his pledge to double Seoul's development assistance for poor ASEAN countries by that year.
On Wednesday, Lee and his Vietnamese counterpart Nguyen Minh Triet agreed to form a "strategic cooperative partnership" paving the way for broader diplomatic and security cooperation.
The two countries will boost cooperation in international forums such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Group of 20, which Vietnam and Korea chair in 2010, respectively.
They also committed to make efforts to double bilateral trade volume to $20 billion by 2015. Triet promised to support Korean firms' participation in a range of projects to develop infrastructure, resources and financial businesses in Vietnam.
In a summit with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen on Thursday, Lee agreed to sharply increase Korea's development assistance and promote a range of cooperation projects in industrialization, agriculture, resources and forest plantation.
(jjhwang@heraldm.com)
By Hwang Jang-jin/Korea Herald correspondent
2009.10.26
HUA HIN, Thailand - President Lee Myung-bak's weeklong visit to Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand bolstered Korea's relationship with Southeast Asia, a key pillar of his "New Asia Initiative." Lee elevated ties with Vietnam to a "strategic cooperative partnership" and clinched a range of cooperation agreements with Cambodia.
In Thailand, Lee and leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations confirmed "robust and vibrant" relations since the two sides launched a formal dialogue relationship 20 years ago. They agreed to consider upgrading the Korea-ASEAN relationship to a strategic partnership.
Lee returned to Seoul last night after wrapping up the tour with the East Asia Summit between ASEAN and its Asia-Pacific dialogue partners.
Lee championed the "New Asia Initiative" during his visit to Indonesia in March to diversify Korea's diplomatic front and bolster its influence in the fast-growing Asian bloc.
Despite geographic and cultural closeness, Southeast Asia had been widely sidelined in the nation's diplomatic portfolio as Korea narrowly focused its political ties on the four powers with strategic interest in the Korean Peninsula - the United States, China, Japan and Russia.
Leaders' declarations for bolstered ties with the region had rarely been followed up with practical diplomatic measures, leaving Korea-ASEAN ties both economic and cultural in nature and Korea's relationship with the regional bloc lagging behind China and Japan.
The two Northeast Asian powers have already made huge investments in, and given assistance to, the regional economies with high growth potential and rich natural resources.
Lee has aggressively pushed his Asia diplomacy as part of his "Global Korea" doctrine, which looks to the nation's greater role in regional and global spheres.
His Asia push culminated in June when he hosted a special summit with ASEAN leaders to commemorate 20 years of relations between the two sides.
During the summit, Lee announced a wide range of measures to boost cooperation, especially for Southeast Asia's development, green growth, cultural and people-to-people exchanges.
The two sides also declared closer ties in security issues and finalized five years of negotiations for a free trade agreement.
On Saturday, Lee and his ASEAN counterparts reviewed the progress in the agreements and discussed measures to advance future ties.
The leaders agreed to work together to promote their relationship to a higher level of strategic partnership in years to come as proposed by the Eminent Persons Group consisting of top experts from each country.
The group envisioned that political ties would advance reflecting the fast growing economic and cultural exchanges and to address new diplomatic and security challenges in the region and the world.
The total trade volume between ASEAN and Korea had substantially doubled in the last five years from $46.4 billion in 2004 to $90.2 billion in 2008, according to the EPG report.
Mutual investment amounted to $6.8 billion in 2008, which is more than five times the amount of $1.3 billion in 2004.
The number of visitors traveling between ASEAN and Korea has expanded by more than two-fold in the past five years, averaging four million people per year.
The EPG suggested that the partnership will evolve on the basis of their shared values symbolized by FEEL (Fellowship, Education, Environment, Liberalized Trade) Asia "as a basis for building the regional architecture process in East Asia and a beacon for us and for others to strive toward."
During the Saturday summit, the leaders confirmed their June commitment to increase bilateral trade from $90.2 billion in 2008 to $150 billion by 2015. Lee also reaffirmed his pledge to double Seoul's development assistance for poor ASEAN countries by that year.
On Wednesday, Lee and his Vietnamese counterpart Nguyen Minh Triet agreed to form a "strategic cooperative partnership" paving the way for broader diplomatic and security cooperation.
The two countries will boost cooperation in international forums such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Group of 20, which Vietnam and Korea chair in 2010, respectively.
They also committed to make efforts to double bilateral trade volume to $20 billion by 2015. Triet promised to support Korean firms' participation in a range of projects to develop infrastructure, resources and financial businesses in Vietnam.
In a summit with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen on Thursday, Lee agreed to sharply increase Korea's development assistance and promote a range of cooperation projects in industrialization, agriculture, resources and forest plantation.
(jjhwang@heraldm.com)
By Hwang Jang-jin/Korea Herald correspondent
2009.10.26
Lee enlists support for 'Grand Bargain'
Lee enlists support for 'Grand Bargain'
HUA HIN, Thailand - President Lee Myung-bak yesterday explained the core aspects of the "Grand Bargain" deal he plans to offer North Korea in return for denuclearization and also once again urged Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear arms programs.
"The president explained his ideas for ending North Korea's nuclear weapons for good and also called on North Korea to denuclearize and return to the six-nation talks," said Kim Eun-hye, spokeswoman for Cheong Wa Dae.
Lee, during a business luncheon for the East Asia Summit, said the whole idea of the grand bargain is to get North Korea to agree on a deal that would be irreversible.
He pointed out that past denuclearization deals have been "partial" and based on incremental steps which allowed Pyongyang to renege on promises again and again, after which the deal would be dragged back to the initial phase.
Lee said his grand bargain would consist of security guarantees and economic support in return for denuclearizing North Korea in a single step.
The president yesterday also took part in the East Asia Summit, itself which involved the 10 ASEAN members and China and Japan, as well as Australia, New Zealand and India. South Korea is also a member.
Lee called on leaders of the summit to form an "Asian platform" for advertising and implementing the main agreements reached during G20 meetings as six of the member states belong to the Group of 20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors.
"The leaders (of the summit) agreed to further strengthen their cooperation for the successful meeting of the G20 economic summit to be hosted by South Korea next year," Cheong Wa Dae said in a press release.
South Korea is to host the fifth G20 summit next November.
During a separate meeting with Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, the South Korean president sought Australia's support for his grand bargain proposal. Rudd, in return, expressed his support and called for North Korea to immediately re-engage in the six-party talks aimed at its denuclearization.
The talks have been suspended since late last year and in April, the North said it would "permanently" boycott the dialogue after the United Nations Security Council condemned its rocket launch.
Pyongyang has recently, however, hinted it is ready to resume the six-way dialogue.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-il said the talks may happen, depending on the results of bilateral discussions with the United States.
In Seoul, there is talk of a possible inter-Korean summit.
(jjhwang@heraldm.com)
By Hwang Jang-jin
2009.10.26
HUA HIN, Thailand - President Lee Myung-bak yesterday explained the core aspects of the "Grand Bargain" deal he plans to offer North Korea in return for denuclearization and also once again urged Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear arms programs.
"The president explained his ideas for ending North Korea's nuclear weapons for good and also called on North Korea to denuclearize and return to the six-nation talks," said Kim Eun-hye, spokeswoman for Cheong Wa Dae.
Lee, during a business luncheon for the East Asia Summit, said the whole idea of the grand bargain is to get North Korea to agree on a deal that would be irreversible.
He pointed out that past denuclearization deals have been "partial" and based on incremental steps which allowed Pyongyang to renege on promises again and again, after which the deal would be dragged back to the initial phase.
Lee said his grand bargain would consist of security guarantees and economic support in return for denuclearizing North Korea in a single step.
The president yesterday also took part in the East Asia Summit, itself which involved the 10 ASEAN members and China and Japan, as well as Australia, New Zealand and India. South Korea is also a member.
Lee called on leaders of the summit to form an "Asian platform" for advertising and implementing the main agreements reached during G20 meetings as six of the member states belong to the Group of 20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors.
"The leaders (of the summit) agreed to further strengthen their cooperation for the successful meeting of the G20 economic summit to be hosted by South Korea next year," Cheong Wa Dae said in a press release.
South Korea is to host the fifth G20 summit next November.
During a separate meeting with Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, the South Korean president sought Australia's support for his grand bargain proposal. Rudd, in return, expressed his support and called for North Korea to immediately re-engage in the six-party talks aimed at its denuclearization.
The talks have been suspended since late last year and in April, the North said it would "permanently" boycott the dialogue after the United Nations Security Council condemned its rocket launch.
Pyongyang has recently, however, hinted it is ready to resume the six-way dialogue.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-il said the talks may happen, depending on the results of bilateral discussions with the United States.
In Seoul, there is talk of a possible inter-Korean summit.
(jjhwang@heraldm.com)
By Hwang Jang-jin
2009.10.26
Seoul, ASEAN to strengthen partnership
Seoul, ASEAN to strengthen partnership
HUA HIN, Thailand - Korea and Southeast Asian nations on Saturday agreed to consider promoting their relationship to a higher level of strategic partnership, Seoul officials said.
President Lee Myung-bak and leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations also promised to broaden their cooperation in trade, development, green growth, education, culture and other various fields during their annual summit in the Thai resort of Hua Hin.
"The leaders agreed that their governments actively consider the Eminent Persons Group's recommendations including elevating the Korea-ASEAN ties to a strategic partnership," said a Cheong Wa Dae official.
The EPG comprising top experts from each country was formed in 2007 to take stock of the Korea-ASEAN relations over the past 20 years and come up with proposals to advance their future relations.
The group submitted its final report recommending the two sides forge a strategic relationship in years to come, "in order to promote peace, stability and prosperity in the region as well as the world at large."
"This strategic partnership will promote efforts to synergize the potential of Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia toward a comprehensive, progressive and dynamic, interconnected and interdependent collaboration," the EPG said in the report.
ASEAN comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Korea and ASEAN launched an official ties 20 years ago. They forged a comprehensive cooperative partnership in 2004 and have deepened ties in political, economic and socio-cultural areas.
The envisioned strategic partnership would pave the way for broader diplomatic and security cooperation between the two sides in both regional and global levels.
"The decision to consider the strategic partnership showed that Korea has become ASEAN's real partner for prosperity," Lee's spokeswoman Kim Eun-hye said.
Korea has been pushing to enhance its relationship with ASEAN as part of Lee's New Asia Initiative aimed at expanding the nation's role in the continent.
During the summit, the leaders assessed the progress in relations for the past year and identify areas and direction of future cooperation.
Lee stressed Seoul's commitment to closer ties with the regional bloc, including increased development aid and loans to ASEAN members and financialsupport for their efforts to fight climate change.
Lee also expressed hopes of hosting the "conference on the viable city," which was proposed at the summit by Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, the spokeswoman said.
Later in the day, Lee attended the annual ASEAN Plus Three Summit, including China and Japan, in which leaders discussed global economic crisis, climate change, food and energy security and other regional and global issues. "President Lee Myung-bak presented the outcome of the Group of 20 economic summit in Pittsburgh last month and stressed that international cooperation was still needed to overcome the global economic and financial crisis," Kim said.
Korea will host a G20 summit in November next year. Lee told the Asian leaders that Korea would make efforts to promote the interests of developing countries at the summit of major economies and would positively consider inviting Vietnam, next year's chair of ASEAN, to the November meeting.
Lee also unveiled a plan to contribute 150,000 tons of rice to a ASEAN Plus Three food reserve program.
Lee yesterday joined the East Asia Summit involving ASEAN and the three Northeast Asian powers as well as Australia, New Zealand and India.
He returned home later in the day, wrapping up a weeklong tour that also took him to Vietnam and Cambodia.
(jjhwang@heraldm.com)
By Hwang Jang-jin /Korea Herald correspondent
2009.10.26
HUA HIN, Thailand - Korea and Southeast Asian nations on Saturday agreed to consider promoting their relationship to a higher level of strategic partnership, Seoul officials said.
President Lee Myung-bak and leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations also promised to broaden their cooperation in trade, development, green growth, education, culture and other various fields during their annual summit in the Thai resort of Hua Hin.
"The leaders agreed that their governments actively consider the Eminent Persons Group's recommendations including elevating the Korea-ASEAN ties to a strategic partnership," said a Cheong Wa Dae official.
The EPG comprising top experts from each country was formed in 2007 to take stock of the Korea-ASEAN relations over the past 20 years and come up with proposals to advance their future relations.
The group submitted its final report recommending the two sides forge a strategic relationship in years to come, "in order to promote peace, stability and prosperity in the region as well as the world at large."
"This strategic partnership will promote efforts to synergize the potential of Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia toward a comprehensive, progressive and dynamic, interconnected and interdependent collaboration," the EPG said in the report.
ASEAN comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Korea and ASEAN launched an official ties 20 years ago. They forged a comprehensive cooperative partnership in 2004 and have deepened ties in political, economic and socio-cultural areas.
The envisioned strategic partnership would pave the way for broader diplomatic and security cooperation between the two sides in both regional and global levels.
"The decision to consider the strategic partnership showed that Korea has become ASEAN's real partner for prosperity," Lee's spokeswoman Kim Eun-hye said.
Korea has been pushing to enhance its relationship with ASEAN as part of Lee's New Asia Initiative aimed at expanding the nation's role in the continent.
During the summit, the leaders assessed the progress in relations for the past year and identify areas and direction of future cooperation.
Lee stressed Seoul's commitment to closer ties with the regional bloc, including increased development aid and loans to ASEAN members and financialsupport for their efforts to fight climate change.
Lee also expressed hopes of hosting the "conference on the viable city," which was proposed at the summit by Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, the spokeswoman said.
Later in the day, Lee attended the annual ASEAN Plus Three Summit, including China and Japan, in which leaders discussed global economic crisis, climate change, food and energy security and other regional and global issues. "President Lee Myung-bak presented the outcome of the Group of 20 economic summit in Pittsburgh last month and stressed that international cooperation was still needed to overcome the global economic and financial crisis," Kim said.
Korea will host a G20 summit in November next year. Lee told the Asian leaders that Korea would make efforts to promote the interests of developing countries at the summit of major economies and would positively consider inviting Vietnam, next year's chair of ASEAN, to the November meeting.
Lee also unveiled a plan to contribute 150,000 tons of rice to a ASEAN Plus Three food reserve program.
Lee yesterday joined the East Asia Summit involving ASEAN and the three Northeast Asian powers as well as Australia, New Zealand and India.
He returned home later in the day, wrapping up a weeklong tour that also took him to Vietnam and Cambodia.
(jjhwang@heraldm.com)
By Hwang Jang-jin /Korea Herald correspondent
2009.10.26
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